Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer)
- Category
- Nominal Syntax - Derivation
- Notes
- There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb
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Languages
| Language | Feature Status | Grammatical Notes | Source | Etymology Notes | General Notes | Phylogenetic Code |
|---|
Language | Feature Status | Grammatical Notes | Source | Etymology Notes | General Notes | Phylogenetic Code |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Achagua | yes? | The suffix -ni can derive an agent, although no indication that it is confined to this use | Wilson & Levinsohn 1992: 51 | |||
| Aché | no info | |||||
| Adnyamathanha | ||||||
| Aghu-Tharnggala | Maybe | 50 | 1 | |||
| Aguaruna | yes | Overall 2007:430-1 | ||||
| Alyawarr | no info | X | ||||
| Andoke | yes | usually derives agent; morpheme is homophonous with 1st noun class pronominal morpheme, creates class 3 nouns; -a derives agents and patients | Landaburu 1979: 141, 153 | possibly comes from verb 'to be' | ||
| Apurinã | yes | Facundes notes that both nominalizers are not completely productive. | Facundes, 2000: 244-245 | |||
| Arabana | no info | x | ||||
| Arrernte | Yes | 103 | 1 | |||
| Asheninka Apurucayali | yes | Turns it into a noun, which can then be either subject or object. | Payne 1981:111 | |||
| Añun | no info | Patte 1989 | ||||
| Bandjalang | yes | 84 | 1 | |||
| Baniwa | yes | Ramirez 2001 | ||||
| Barasano | yes | Jones & Jones 1991, p.42-43 | ||||
| Bardi | no | 0 | ||||
| Bare | yes | Aikhenvald, 1995: 21 | ||||
| Batyala | no info | x | ||||
| Baure | yes | suffix -no (this suffix also marks the verb of a relative clause); "the product nominalizer -ri... derives nouns as products of verbal action" | Danielsen 2007: p88, 190 | |||
| Bidjara-Gungabula | yes | 136, 141 | 1 | |||
| Bilinarra | yes | 6.2.3.1 | 1 | |||
| Biri | no info | x | ||||
| Bora | no | Seifart - 2005:58-63 | ||||
| Bularnu | yes | 31 | 1 | |||
| Bunuba | no info | x | ||||
| Cabecar | no info | |||||
| Cahuilla | ||||||
| Central Aymara | yes | ri is a suffix | Huayhua Pari 2001: 245 | |||
| Chemehuevi | ||||||
| Comanche | ||||||
| Cubeo | yes | The animate noun põẽ- 'person' plus a gender/number suffix may also be suffixed to a verb, forming an agentive deverbal noun meaning 'one who does X' | Morse & Maxwell 1999, p. 90 | |||
| Cupeño | ||||||
| Damana | yes | For all productive nominalizing, the morphemes used are verb roots or verbs or nouns--unsure if this is true nominalizing | ||||
| Darkinyung | no info | x | ||||
| Desano | yes | Agent, subject, and animate patient nominalizations all involve the animate deverbilizers. | Miller 1999, p. 142 | There can be ambiguity between agent and animate patient nominalizations. For example, teacher and student are the same word. | ||
| Dharawal | no info | x | ||||
| Dharuk | ||||||
| Diyari | yes | 163 | 1 | |||
| Djabugay | ||||||
| Djapu | yes | 109 | 1 | |||
| Djinang | Yes | 129 | 1 | |||
| Duungidjawu | yes | 44 | 1 | |||
| Dyirbal | yes | 81-2 | 1 | |||
| Dâw | no | Martins 2004 | ||||
| Eñepa | yes | Gildea 1993:48 | ||||
| Gabrielino | ||||||
| Garrwa | no info | X | ||||
| Githabul | yes | 26 | 1 | |||
| Gooniyandi | yes | 1 | ||||
| Guaymí | yes | Alphonse 1956:43 | ||||
| Gugu-Badhun | no info | x | ||||
| Gumbaynggirr | yes | 367 | 1 | |||
| Guna | no | Smith texts | ||||
| Gunya | yes | 314 | 1 | |||
| Gupapuyngu | ||||||
| Gureng Gureng | no info | x | ||||
| Guugu-Yimidhirr | yes | 99 | 1 | |||
| Hunter River and Lake Macquarie | yes | 90 | 1 | |||
| Hup | yes | bare verb stem + classifier | Epps 2008 | |||
| Idaho Shoshone | ||||||
| Ika | yes | Frank 1990:19 | ||||
| Ingá | yes | There is also a nominalizer for instruments /-nga/ | Levinson 1978:5 | |||
| Jaru | yes | 230 | 1 | |||
| Jingulu | yes | 1 | ||||
| Kaingang | no info | Silva 2011/Goncalves 2011 | ||||
| Kakua | yes | Bolaños fieldnotes | ||||
| Kalkatungu | yes | 79, 56b | 1 | |||
| Karajarri | Yes | 238 | 1 | |||
| Karitiana | no | Everett 2006:296-300 | ||||
| Katthang | yes | 86-90 | 1 | |||
| Kaurna | yes | 4 | 1 | |||
| Kawaiisu | ||||||
| Kinikinau | no info | |||||
| Kitanemuk | ||||||
| Kogi | yes | Ortiz 1994:384 | ||||
| Kokama | yes | Vallejos 2010:230 | ||||
| Kokatha | No | 47 | 0 | |||
| Koreguaje | no | Cook & Criswell 1993, p.27-28 | ||||
| Kotiria | yes | Stenzel 2004, p. 104 | ||||
| Kugu-Nganhcara | No | 411 | 0 | |||
| Kuku Yalanji | yes | 57 | 1 | |||
| Kunjen | yes | 111 | 1 | |||
| Kurrama | no info | x | ||||
| Kuuk Thaayorre | Yes | 426 | 1 | |||
| Luiseño | ||||||
| Macaguan | no info | Buenaventura - 1993 | ||||
| Maipure | yes | Zamponi 2003:27-28 | ||||
| Makiritare | no info | Hall 1988 | ||||
| Makuna | yes | Smothermon & Smothermon 1993, p.35 | animate and inanimate | |||
| Makushi | yes | Abbott 1991: 93 | ||||
| Mapudungun | no info | However, there are other nominalizers such as /-wen/ which derives associatives plurals from nouns; /-we/ which derives intruments or locations and /-ntu/ which derives nouns where yhere is plenty of the substance denoted by the noun. | Zúñiga 2006, p. 87 | |||
| Marrgany | yes | 314 | 1 | |||
| Martuthunira | no | 144-148 | 0 | |||
| Mathi-Mathi | no | 98 | 0 | |||
| Matses | yes | Fleck:295 | ||||
| Mayi-Yapi | No | 39 | 0 | |||
| Minica Witoto | yes | Minor and Minor 1982. p.98 | ||||
| Mpakwithi | ||||||
| Muruwari | no info | 81-2 | x | |||
| Nadëb/Roçado dialect | yes | subject relativizing prefix + generic nominalizer doo | Weir 1984: 27 | |||
| Nanti | yes | There is one nominalizing morpheme, -rira. This is most often an agentive nominalization, but can also be used for other types of nominalizations. | Michael, 2008. p. 303-304 | |||
| Narungga | No info | 70 | x | |||
| Naso | no info | Quesada 2000 | ||||
| Ngaatjatjara | No | 71 | 0 | |||
| Ngarinyeri | yes | 19 | 1 | |||
| Ngarinyin | ||||||
| Ngayawang | yes | 5 | 1 | |||
| Ngiyambaa | yes | 200 | 1 | |||
| Nhanta | yes | 60 | 1 | |||
| Nheengatu | yes | Cruz 2011:252 | ||||
| Ninam | no | Goodwin-Gomez, p.116-117 | "nominalization" but none of these kinds | |||
| Northern Emberá | yes | Mortensen 1999:30 | Catío | |||
| Northern Paiute | ||||||
| Nyangumarta | no | 0 | ||||
| Nyikina | no | 0 | ||||
| Nyulnyul | no info | x | ||||
| Nyungar | no info | x | ||||
| Paakantyi | no info | X | ||||
| Palikur | yes | Green and Green 1972:49 | ||||
| Panyjima | no | 0 | ||||
| Paraguayan Guaraní | yes | Krivoshein and Acosta 2001:115-6 | ||||
| Paresi | yes | Rowan 1978:xiv | ||||
| Pemon | yes | There are four suffixes (which each have a plural form as well as a singular one) that are used to create agents. Which one you use depends on the transitivity of the verb and its tense. | de Armellada 1999: 159 to 165 | |||
| Piapoco | yes | Galindo, 2002: 136 | ||||
| Pintupi | no info | x | ||||
| Pitjantjatjara | Yes | G 148 | 1 | |||
| Pitta-Pitta | yes | 209 | 1 | |||
| Puinave | yes | Giron 2008: p245-6 | ||||
| Páez | no info | |||||
| Quechua Ayacuchano | yes | Parker 1965:29 | ||||
| Resígaro | yes | Allin, 1976: 112 | ||||
| Ritharrngu | Yes | 79 | 1 | |||
| Sanumá | no | derives "subject", but not "agent" exactly | Borgman 1990: 142-144 | |||
| Serrano | ||||||
| Shoshone | ||||||
| Sikuani | yes | Queixalós 2000:162 | ||||
| Siona | yes | Wheeler - 1987:114 | ||||
| Southern Paiute | ||||||
| Southern Ute | ||||||
| Surui | no info | |||||
| Tanimuca | no | Strom 1992, p.158 | ||||
| Tariana | no | Participles are often translated as agent nominalizations, but they mark the predicate of a relative clause. The two agent nominalizing morphemes are non-productive. | Aikhenvald, 2003: 200, 460 | |||
| Thanggati | yes | 62-65 | 1 | |||
| Tharrkari | Yes | 21 | 1 | |||
| Tikuna | no info | |||||
| Timbisha | ||||||
| Tukano | yes | suffix -se derives N from V | West and Welch 2004: 69; Ramirez 1997: 114 | |||
| Uradhi | Yes | 372 | 1 | |||
| Urarina | no | Olawsky:404-5 | ||||
| Wajarri | No | 102 | 0 | |||
| Wakaya | yes | 10.1.4.2 | 1 | |||
| Walmajarri | no info | x | ||||
| Wambaya | yes | 1 | ||||
| Wangkumara | no | 14, 33 | 0 | |||
| Waorani | no info | |||||
| Wapishana | yes | Santos 2006 | ||||
| Warlpiri | yes | n25 | 1 | |||
| Warluwarra | yes | 959 | 1 | |||
| Warnman | Yes | 27 | 1 | |||
| Warrgamay | no info | x | ||||
| Warrwa | no info | x | ||||
| Warumungu | yes | 53 | 1 | |||
| Warungu | yes | 227, 228 | 1 | |||
| Wathawurrung | yes | 86 | 1 | |||
| Waunana | yes | /-mia/ is also used | Loewen 1954:36, 73 | |||
| Wayuu | no info | No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns. | Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797 | |||
| Wemba-Wemba | no info | x | ||||
| Western Mono | ||||||
| WesternTorres | no info | FO 121 | x | |||
| Wiradjuri | yes | 25 | 1 | |||
| Wirangu | No info | x | ||||
| Woiwurrung | no info | x | ||||
| Worrorra | no info | X | ||||
| Yagua | yes | a paradigm exists that specifies animate/inanimate | Payne and Payne 1990:354 | |||
| Yalarnnga | yes | 50-1 | 1 | |||
| Yan-nhangu | ||||||
| Yandruwandha | yes | 119, 120 | 1 | |||
| Yanesha' | yes | The orthographic form is -añ/-ñ/-aña/-ña | Duff-Tripp 1997:39 | |||
| Yanomami | yes | Lizot says this kind of derivational morphology is not very productive | Lizot 1996: p.227 | |||
| Yanyuwa | no info | x | ||||
| Yavitero | yes | Mosonyi, 1987: p. 47 | ||||
| Yawuru | ||||||
| Yidiny | not done yet | X | ||||
| Yindjibarndi | yes | 107, 117 | 1 | |||
| Yindjilindji | no info | x | ||||
| Yine | no info | Matteson 1965 | ||||
| Yingkarta | no info | x | ||||
| Yir Yoront | ||||||
| Yorta Yorta | no | 98 | 0 | |||
| Yugambeh | ||||||
| Yukuna | no | There are three nominalizing markers. One seems to be an object nominalizer, (see line 97), suggesting that agentive and action/state nominalizers, if present, aren't productive. | Shauer & Shauer, 1978: p. 48 | |||
| Yulparija | No | 55 | 0 | |||
| Yuwaalaraay | yes | 106 | 1 |
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