Languages of hunter-gatherers and their neighbors

Desano

Family
Tukanoan
Region
South America
ISO 639-3
des
Location
0.58°, -69.50°
Notes
Features
Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
Ethnographic Information
Data Sources
Chacon, Thiago. 2014. A Revised Proposal of Proto-Tukanoan Consonants and Tukanoan Family Classification. International Journal of American Linguistics 80.3: 275-322. Miller, Marion. 1999. Desano grammar: Studies in the languages of Colombia 6. (Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at Arlington Publications in Linguistics, 132.) Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at Arlington. López, Reinaldo and Miller, Marion and Alemán M., Tulio. 2000. Wirã ya, peamasa ya wererituri (Desano-Español) (Diccionario bilingüe de 896 palabras). Bogotá: Editorial Alberto Lleras Camargo.


Basic Vocabulary (192)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes General Notes Source
above encima, arriba acima location weca weka unique See Language page
again de nuevo, otra vez de novo grammar missing See Language page
all todo todos other árĩpehrerã (plural form) áɾĩpeʔɾeɾã inheritance See Language page
and y e grammar missing See Language page
ankle tobillo tornozelo body añayaru ~ajajaɾu inheritance See Language page
armpit axila, sobaco axila body missing See Language page
ash ceniza(s) cinzas environment nuja nuha inheritance See Language page
at en, a em, a location missing See Language page
back espalda costas body pᵾrᵾpᵾ pɨɾɨpɨ unknown See Language page
belly barriga barriga body paru paru inheritance See Language page
below abajo, debajo abaixo location doca doka inheritance See Language page
big grande grande quality wʉarí wɨarí doubtful loan, direction unknown Arawak: Achagua wé:ri See Language page
bite morder morder body cũrĩ-ri kĩɾĩ-ɾi inheritance See Language page
black negro preto colour ñiri ñiri inheritance See Language page
blood sangre sangue body di di inheritance See Language page
blow soplar soprar body puri-ri puɾi-ɾi inheritance See Language page
boil/pimple espinilla, granos espinha, borbulha body missing See Language page
bone hueso osso body goṍã goṍã inheritance See Language page
breast pecho, seno peito body coretíbi koretíbi inheritance See Language page
breathe respirar respirar body sĩaĩ-ri sĩaĩ-ɾi inheritance See Language page
burn quemar queimar environment soe-ri (sounds similar to the word in Macuna) soe-ɾi inheritance See Language page
chew masticar, mascar mastigar body bahga-ri baʔga-ɾi inheritance See Language page
child niño, niña criança human majigʉ, majigo mahigɨ, mahigo inheritance See Language page
climb subir subir motion mᵾria-ri mɨɾia-ɾi inheritance See Language page
cloud nube nuvem environment ĩbĩkã ku'rúri (H&R) ĩbĩkã kuʔrúri (H&R) unknown See Language page
cold frío frio quality yʉsari jɨsari inheritance See Language page
come venir vir motion ári-ri áɾi-ɾi inheritance See Language page
cook cocinar cozinhar impact sora-ri soɾa-ɾi inheritance See Language page
correct/true verdad, de veras verdade quality diaye (identical with the lexical entry of right) diaje inheritance See Language page
count contar contar mental were-ri weɾe-ɾi unique See Language page
cry llorar chorar mental ore-ri oɾe-ɾi inheritance See Language page
cut/hack cortar cortar impact wíri-ri (with a machete or knife); tabe-ri (to hack firewood with a machete or axe) wíɾi-ɾi unique See Language page
day día dia time ʉ̃mʉ ɨ̃mɨ inheritance See Language page
die/be dead morir morrer state sĩrĩri sĩrĩri unique See Language page
dig cavar cavar impact séa-ri séa-ɾi inheritance See Language page
dingo/wolf fauna missing See Language page
dirty sucio sujo quality gᵾhraricᵾri gɨʔɾaɾikɨɾi unique See Language page
dream soñar sonhar mental quẽ́-ri kẽ́-ɾi inheritance See Language page
drink beber, tomar beber body ihriri i ʔriri inheritance See Language page
dry seco seco quality bo'hó- bo'hó- inheritance See Language page
dull/blunt sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo maçante, desamolado, não afiado quality usi-biri- usi-biri- missing See Language page
dust polvo poeira environment gũruña gĩɾuja unique compare Yagua - "xiru" See Language page
ear oreja orelha body gãmiro gãmiro inheritance See Language page
earth/soil tierra terra environment yéba jéba inheritance See Language page
eat comer comer body bari bari inheritance Andoke See Language page
egg huevo ovo fauna diu diu inheritance See Language page
eye ojo olho body cuiru kuiru inheritance shared Siriano See Language page
faeces heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol fezes body gᵾra gɨɾa inheritance See Language page
fall caer cair motion yuridija-ri (to fall from something tall); yurimere-ri (to fall from a lower seat) juɾidiha-ɾi; juɾimeɾe-ɾi inheritance See Language page
far lejos longe quality jo'á- jo'á- inheritance See Language page
fat/grease grasa gordura body ʉyi ɨji inheritance See Language page
father padre, papá pai kinship pagʉ pagɯ inheritance See Language page
fear miedo medo mental gu'í- gu'í- missing See Language page
feather pluma pena fauna poari poaɾi inheritance See Language page
fire fuego fogo environment peame peame inheritance See Language page
fish xx xx fauna wahi wahi inheritance See Language page
flow fluir fluir motion missing See Language page
flower flor flor environment gori goɾi inheritance See Language page
fly volar voar motion wʉri wɨri inheritance See Language page
fog niebla, neblina nevoeira, bruma, neblina environment imica buiro (imica means 'smoke') imika buiɾo inheritance See Language page
foot pie pé body guburu guburu inheritance See Language page
fruit fruta fruta flora dʉca dɨka inheritance See Language page
good bueno bom quality õari õari unique See Language page
grow crecer crescer state bʉga-ri bɨga-ɾi inheritance See Language page
hair (of head) cabello cabelo body poari poari inheritance See Language page
hand mano mão body mojotõ mohotõ inheritance Siriano See Language page
head cabeza cabeça body dipuru dipuɾu inheritance See Language page
hear oír ouvir mental peeri peeri unknown See Language page
heavy pesado pesado quality nʉcʉ̃ri nɨkɨ̃ɾi inheritance See Language page
hide esconder esconder motion duhu-ri duʔu-ɾi unique See Language page
hit golpear, pegar bater impact paa-ri paa-ɾi inheritance See Language page
hold correr, asegurar, sostener segurar other ñea-ri jea-ɾi unique See Language page
how? como como grammar doʔ'pa doʔ'pa inheritance See Language page
if si se grammar missing See Language page
in/inside dentro, adentro dentro location poheca poʔeka inheritance See Language page
intestines intestinos intestinos body gʉrasuri gɨɾasuɾi inheritance See Language page
itch hormiguear, sentir comezón coçar body missing See Language page
kill matar matar impact wẽjẽri wẽhẽri inheritance See Language page
lake lago lago environment di'tá-ru di'tá-ru inheritance See Language page
laugh reír rir mental ĩhãye-ri ĩʔãje-ɾi inheritance See Language page
leaf hoja folha environment pũ pũ inheritance See Language page
left/left hand izquierdo esquerdo location/body copʉ kopɨ inheritance See Language page
lie down acostarse, echarse deitar motion sía-ri (in a hammock) sía-ɾi unique See Language page
lightning rayo, relámpago relampago environment similar: bupu mia-ri ('to lighten') bupu mia-ɾi unique cf. thunder See Language page
live/be alive vivir viver, morar body ojocari-ri ohokaɾi-ɾi inheritance See Language page
liver hígado figado body ñehmeturi ñe ʔmeturi inheritance See Language page
long largo comprido, longo quality jo'á- jo'á- inheritance See Language page
louse piollo, piojo piolho fauna dipumʉramʉ dipumɯramɯ unique order Phtiraptera See Language page
lung pulmón pulmão body sĩaĩdiru (contains a form of sĩaĩ-ri 'to breathe') sĩaĩdiɾu unique See Language page
meat/flesh carne carne fauna diro diro inheritance See Language page
moon luna lua environment abe abe inheritance shared Siriono See Language page
mother madre, mamá mãe kinship pago pago inheritance See Language page
mouth boca boca body disiro disiro inheritance See Language page
name nombre nome human wãĩ́ wãĩ́ loan into protolanguage, direction unknown Boran, Witotoan, Tukanoan See Language page
nape base del cuello, nuca nuca body missing See Language page
near/close cerca de perto quality pohro poʔɾo inheritance See Language page
neck cuello pescoço body wʉ̃nʉgʉ wɨ̃nɨgɨ inheritance shared Siriono See Language page
new nuevo novo quality mama mama inheritance See Language page
night noche noite time jã'bĩ́ jã'bĩ́ inheritance See Language page
no/not no não grammar bã́rá, bãrĩ-a bã́rá, bãrĩ-a inheritance See Language page
nose nariz nariz body ĩguĩru ĩguĩru inheritance See Language page
old viejo velho quality bʉgʉ, bʉro (person), mʉra bɨgɨ, bɨro (person), mɨra inheritance See Language page
one uno um number yuju juhu unique See Language page
open/uncover abrir abrir other pãgú-ri pãgú-ɾi inheritance See Language page
other otro outro grammar gahi- gahi- inheritance See Language page
pain/painful/sick dolor, doloroso, enfermo dor, doloroso, doente body similar: pũrĩ-ri ('to be in pain/to hurt') pĩɾĩ-ɾi unique See Language page
person/human being persona pessoa human masʉ̃, masõ masɨ̃, masõ inheritance See Language page
pound/beat machacar, golpear bater impact mutũ-ri (with the hand) mutĩ-ɾi inheritance See Language page
rain lluvia chuva environment semantically similar: deco mere-ri ('to rain') deko meɾe-ɾi inheritance See Language page
red rojo vermelho colour diari diari unique See Language page
right/right hand derecha direita location/body diaye (identical with lexical entry of correct/true) diaje inheritance See Language page
road/path camino caminho manufacture maha ma ʔa inheritance See Language page
root raíz raiz flora nugũ nugũ inheritance See Language page
rotten podrido podre quality to rot: boa-ri boa-ɾi inheritance See Language page
sand arena areia environment imipa imipa inheritance See Language page
say decir dizer mental ã'rĩ́- ã'rĩ́- inheritance See Language page
scratch rascar rasgar impact ñahguiriñe jajguiɾije inheritance See Language page
see ver ver mental ĩãri ĩãri inheritance See Language page
sharp afilado, filudo, filoso afiado quality usiri usiɾi inheritance See Language page
shoot tirar, disparar, balear atirar impact peaye-ri peaje-ɾi semantic shift See Language page
short corto curto quality yébari jébaɾi inheritance See Language page
shoulder hombro ombro body kõbẽ'páre kõbẽ'páre inheritance See Language page
shy/ashamed tímido, vergonzoso timido, com vergonha mental missing See Language page
sit sentar(se) sentar state doa-ri doa-ɾi inheritance See Language page
skin piel pele body gasiro gasiro inheritance See Language page
sky cielo céu environment ʉ̃mʉsĩ ɨ̃mɨsĩ inheritance See Language page
sleep dormir dormir body cãrĩri kãrĩri inheritance See Language page
small pequeño pequeno quality miriñegã, migʉgã miriñegã, migɨgã unknown See Language page
smoke humo fumaça environment ímica ími ka inheritance See Language page
sniff/smell olfatear, oler cheirar body wĩjĩriñe (transitive) wĩhĩɾije inheritance primarily transitive See Language page
spit escupir cuspir body eopi-ri eopi-ɾi inheritance See Language page
split partir, dividir rachar, dividir, partir impact nuariñe (esp. hard things) nuaɾije unique See Language page
squeeze estrujar, exprimir espremer impact bipi-ri bipi-ɾi inheritance See Language page
stab/pierce apuñalar, acuchillar apunhalar impact jõ'sẽ- jõ'sẽ- inheritance See Language page
stand estar de pié ficar em pé state dĩgĩ- dĩgĩ- inheritance See Language page
star estrella estrela environment necãmʉ ne kãmɨ inheritance See Language page
steal robar roubar other yaja-ri jaha-ɾi inheritance See Language page
stick/wood palo pau, vara flora yucʉgʉ jukɨgɨ inheritance See Language page
stone piedra pedra environment ʉ̃tãye ɨ̃tãje inheritance See Language page
suck chupar chupar body mími-ri mími-ɾi inheritance See Language page
sweat sudar suor, suar body ñajasiriguha-ri jahasiɾiguʔa-ɾi inheritance? See Language page
swell hincharse inchar body biji-rí bihi-ɾí inheritance See Language page
swim nadar nadar motion baari baari inheritance See Language page
tail cola, rabo rabo body pĩgũru, poreru pĩgũru, poreru inheritance See Language page
that ese/esa esse grammar si-'rú si-'rú inheritance See Language page
thick grueso, gordo, espeso grosso quality wʉarí wɨaɾí unique See Language page
thin delgado fino quality bũpũ- bũpũ- unique See Language page
think pensar pensar mental pepi-ɾi pepi-ri inheritance See Language page
this este/esta este grammar i-'rú i-'rú inheritance See Language page
2sg xx xx grammar mʉhʉ mɨ ʔɨ inheritance See Language page
three tres tres number ʉhre ɨ ʔre unknown See Language page
throat garganta garganta body wʉ̃gobe wɨ̃gobe unique See Language page
throw tirar, lanzar atirar, jogar impact behó-ri beʔó-ɾi unique shared Siriano See Language page
thunder truenos trovão environment bupu bupu inheritance See Language page
tie up/fasten atar, amarrar amarrar impact diri-ri diɾi-ɾi inheritance See Language page
tongue lengua lingua body nero nero inheritance See Language page
tooth diente dente body gʉcʉriru gɨ kɨriru inheritance See Language page
turn girar, volter, torcer virar other ãĩmajipeo-ri (transitive) ãĩmahipeo-ɾi inheritance? may be transitive or intransitive See Language page
two dos dois number pe- pe- inheritance See Language page
vomit vomitar vomitar body etoca-ri etoka-ɾi inheritance See Language page
walk caminar, andar andar motion wari wari inheritance See Language page
water agua agua environment deco de ko inheritance See Language page
wet mojado molhado quality similar: wé-ri ('to make oneself wet') wé-ɾi inheritance See Language page
what? que, qué que grammar doʔpá, jẽʔẽ́ doʔpá, jẽʔẽ́ inheritance See Language page
when? cuando quando grammar doʔ'pã́rĩkɨ̃ doʔ'pã́rĩkɨ̃ inheritance See Language page
where? donde onde grammar dõʔ'ṍ dõʔ'ṍ inheritance See Language page
white blanco branco colour boreri boreri inheritance See Language page
who? quien, quién quem grammar dõ'ã́ dõ'ã́ inheritance See Language page
wife esposa esposa kinship marapʉ marapɯ inheritance See Language page
wind viento vento environment miruñe miɾuje inheritance See Language page
wing ala asa body quẽdᵾpᵾ kẽdɨpɨ inheritance See Language page
woman/female mujer mulher human noméo noméo inheritance See Language page
work trabajar trabalhar other mohme-ri moʔme-ɾi inheritance See Language page
yawn bostezar bocejar body yahwʉapu-ri jaʔwɨapu-ɾi inheritance See Language page
yellow amarillo amarelo colour boreri boreri doubtful loan Witotoan (in Desano, Siriano, Macuna) See Language page
bad mal mal quality ñero ñero inheritance See Language page
3sg el/ella ele/ela grammar ĩgʉ̃, igo (she) ĩgɨ̃, igo (she) inheritance See Language page
1sg yo eu grammar yʉhʉ jɨ ʔɨ inheritance For pronouns: include bound/cliticized pronominal forms where significantly different from the free forms See Language page
leg/foot pierna perna body ñigagᵾ jigagɨ inheritance See Language page
man/male hombre homem human ʉ̃mʉ ɨ̃mɨ inheritance See Language page
3pl ellos/ellas eles/elas grammar ẽrã ẽrã inheritance See Language page
know/be knowledgeable saber, conecer saber, conhecer mental masiri masiri inheritance See Language page
1pl.incl nosotros (inclusivo) nós (inclusivo) grammar mari mari inheritance no inclusive/exclusive distinction unless noted See Language page
1pl.excl nosotros (exclusivo) nós (exclusivo) grammar gʉa gɨa inheritance See Language page
2pl ustedes vocês grammar mʉa mɨa inheritance See Language page
bark corteza casca environment gasiro gasiro inheritance See Language page
fingernail uña unha body mojosĩru pero mohosĩru pero unknown See Language page
heart corazón coração body sĩporã sĩporã inheritance See Language page
sun sol sol time abe abe inheritance See Language page
mountain/hill montaña, colina, loma, cerro morro, serra environment ʉ̃tãgʉ ɨ̃tãgɨ inheritance See Language page
green verde verde quality yahsari jaʔsari inheritance See Language page
hot caliente quente quality cũñuri kũñuri unique See Language page


Flora Fauna Vocabulary (138)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Linnean Name Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Range of Term Word Structure Word Structure Notes Classifier Classifier Notes Hypernym Source Association with Social Categories Ritual/Mythologically Significant Ritual Notes Food Source Food Notes Medicinal Medicinal Notes How Collected Who Collects How Prepared Psychotropic Psychotropic Notes Traded Trade Notes Distribution Habitat Dangerous Ethnobiology Notes Species Notes General Notes
achiote, anatto achiote urucum flora-fauna Bixa orellana mosã mosã inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 1 0 0 0 1 secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens no shrub
inga guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru) inga flora-fauna Inga spp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia) no
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti) Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado cutia flora-fauna Dasyprocta spp. bu'í bu'í inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
alligator, black caiman babilla; cachirre jacaré flora-fauna Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp. diaquẽ dia'ké̃ unique water-?' Shared Desano-Siriano; may contain dia 'river' uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Throughout Amazonia no? Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
Amazon dolphin bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco) boto cor-de-rosa flora-fauna Inia geoffrensis missing missing See Language page 1 0 0 0 0 Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls no
mouse, rat ratón camundongo, rata flora-fauna Mus musculus bihi bí, biʔ'í inheritance East Tukanoan Broader (rat and mouse) uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
anaconda anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande sucuri flora-fauna genus Eunectes pĩru pĩru, pĩ'rṹ inheritance East Tukanoan Most ET languages have same root for boa and anaconda uncoded See Language page 2 0 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia yes
angleworm lombriz minhoca flora-fauna order Opisthopora dianojamʉ dianohamɯ unknown uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna Formicidae bẽ'gã́ bẽ'gã́ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
anteater oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus tamanduá flora-fauna Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater) bugu bu'gú, bugu inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonian lowlands no
armadillo armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo) tatu flora-fauna family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri pãmu pã'bú̃, pãmu inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread in Amazonia no
arrow cane, wildcane caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio flora-fauna Gynerium sagittatum gã'rɨ̃́ gã'rɨ̃́ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Compare Witoto kaní uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 tropical regions, especially river banks no plant
avocado palta, aguacate abacate flora-fauna Persea americana ũñu ũñu inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens no tree
banana, plantain banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano banana flora-fauna Musa sp. ojo o'hó semantic shift? Proto-Tukanoan Chacon 2013: markedness shift from sororoca Likely family-wide semantic shift from 'bastard plantain' (wild banana look-alike) uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
bat murciélago morcego flora-fauna Chiroptera spp. oyo o'jó, oyo inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
beans frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas) feijão flora-fauna Phaseolus spp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no plant
honeybee abeja abelha flora-fauna Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis momemʉ momemɯ, bõ'bẽ́-bɨ̃ (H&R) inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna waibʉgʉ wʉgʉ (big); mirimagʉ (small) waibɨgɨ wɨgɨ; miɾimagɨ, bĩ́rĩbã-'gɨ̃́ (H&R) inheritance East Tukanoan Also waibʉgʉ wʉgʉ (large bird) Narrower (small bird) uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
bitterwood tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru) envira flora-fauna Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 secondary forests, native to Brazil no tree
black palm bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá bacaba flora-fauna Oenocarpus bacaba missing missing See Language page 2 1 0 0 0 Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon no may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
boa boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura jiboia flora-fauna family Boidae, subf. Boinae pĩru pĩru, pĩ'rṹ inheritance East Tukanoan Most ET languages have same root for boa and anaconda uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree) calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara cabaça flora-fauna Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine) coaru ('totuma, calabaza' in Miller dict.) coaru; ko'áru ('gourd', H&R) inheritance East Tukanoan, Branch I May also be shared West Tukanoan Broader (also means squash) uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 indigenous gardens no plant; tree
brazil nut castaña castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis) flora-fauna Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia'] missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua. no tree
brown woolly monkey Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt macaco barrigudo flora-fauna Lagothrix lagothricha missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro tocandira flora-fauna Paraponera clavata missing missing See Language page 2 0 0 0 0 yes
butterfly, moth mariposa borboleta flora-fauna order Lepidoptera puguru puguru inheritance Desano and Siriano uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
capybara Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco capivara flora-fauna Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris di'á we'kɨ́ di'á we'kɨ́ inheritance East Tukanoan phrase river-tapir' See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
cashew anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela) caju flora-fauna Anacardium occidentale / giganteum gõrẽ gõrẽ inheritance? East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens no tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
cashew anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela) caju flora-fauna Anacardium giganteum missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Brazil, Peru, Suriname, Venezuela, Guyana no
centipede ciempiés centopéia flora-fauna class Chilopoda ñahquĩ ñahkĩ unique uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
cicada cigarra, chicharra cigarra flora-fauna super fam. Cicadoidea missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
cipó vine tamishi, bejuco, yare cipó flora-fauna Heteropsis spp. sĩgã sĩgã unique Shared Desano-Siriano only? uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 secondary forest, floodplain no vine
coca coca coca flora-fauna Erythroxylum coca ãpĩ ãp'ĩ́ inheritance Siriano and Desano Other languages in family tend to have Wanderwort uncoded See Language page 1 0 0 1 1 secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes no plant
cockroach cucaracha barata-do-mato flora-fauna order Blattaria sʉrirãmʉ sɯrirãmɯ unique Possibly Proto-Tukanoan; possible cognate in Siona (also Siriano) uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
collared peccary sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar caititu, caetitu flora-fauna Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu yese sũrigũ (collared peccary) je'sé 'búru inheritance East Tukanoan jese' is general term for wild pig across ET languages. Also je'sé 'búru ? uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
cotamundi, coatimundi Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache quati flora-fauna genus Nasua missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
cotton algodón algodão flora-fauna Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers) ju'rá ju'rá semantic shift East Tukanoan original meaning kapok uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 1 secondary scrub vegetation no plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
crab cangrejo caranguejo flora-fauna infraorder Brachyura gãmi gãmi inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
cricket saltón, grillo grilo flora-fauna family Gryllidae porero porero inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
curassow mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini) mutum flora-fauna Crax sp., Nothocrax sp. dũ'pĩ́ dũ'pĩ́ inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Amazonia no
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus ñama jã'bã́, ñama inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna Canis famililaris diaye dia'jɨ́, dia'jé, diaye semantic shift/calque/loan w/in ET? East Tukanoan from jaguar + ? uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Not native; widespread no
dog (wild; bush dog) sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta cachorro-do-mato flora-fauna Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
dove paloma pomba flora-fauna family Columbidae buja buha inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
duck pato pato, marreco flora-fauna Anatidae family diacara diacara inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil) suri, mojojoy larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá flora-fauna Rhynchophorus sp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
electric eel anguila eléctrica poraquê flora-fauna Electrophorus electricus buibʉgʉ (generic term for eel) buibɨgɨ inheritance East Tukanoan Broader (eel in general) uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 yes
fish (generic) pez peixe flora-fauna wahi wahi inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
fish (large type) paiche, pirarucú o arapaima pirarucu flora-fauna Arapaima gigas missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 big rivers only no
fish poison, barbasco barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó flora-fauna Lonchocarpus spp. nia nia unique uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation yes [used to poison people] shrub/tree
flea pulga pulga flora-fauna order Siphonaptera disinomemʉ disinomemɯ, di'sídõbẽ unique uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna Diptera becapuru, be'ká-bɨ̃, bõ'bã́-bɨ̃ bekapuɾu, be'ká-bɨ̃, bõ'bã́-bɨ̃ inheritance East Tukanoan Also bõ'bã́-bɨ̃ uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
genipap jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico genipapo, jenipapo flora-fauna Genipapa americana missing missing See Language page 1 0 0 0 0 widespread lowland SA no shrub
giant otter Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria ariranha flora-fauna Pteronura brasiliensis dí'á-jõrã dí'á-jõrã inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna (generic) taa taa, ta inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
gray-winged trumpeter Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris jacamim flora-fauna Psophia crepitans missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões no
great egret Garza Blanca, Guyratî Garça-Branca-Grande flora-fauna Ardea alba yaji jahi inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread South America no
green acouchi Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo cutiara flora-fauna Myoprocta pratti bui bui inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
guan pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru) jacu flora-fauna Penelope sp. karabã'hɨ̃́ karabã'hɨ̃́ inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Different types have different localized ranges no
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca ayahuasca, yage ayahuasca, caapi flora-fauna Banisteriopsis caapi ga'pí ga'pí loan - WW %kaapi Wanderwort; e.g. Nadahup, Kakua-Nukak, Guahiban, North Arawak WW %kapi uncoded See Language page 1 0 0 1 0 semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW no vine
hawk halcón, gavilán gavião flora-fauna family Accipitridae ga ga inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
horse caballo cavalho flora-fauna Equus caballus missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
hot pepper ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru) pimenta flora-fauna Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens bia bi'á inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden no plant
howler monkey (red-handed) mono aullador, mono coto (Peru) guariba flora-fauna Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.] ũhrã ũʔ'gɨ́̃, ĩʔɾã inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
hummingbird colibrí, picaflor (Peru) beija-flor flora-fauna family Trochilidae mimi mimi, bĩ'bĩ́ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Compare Arawak, e.g. Baniwa pími uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread no
iguana iguana, garipiares (Colombia) camaleão flora-fauna Iguana sp. joa'sṍ joa'sṍ inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
insect (generic) insecto insecto flora-fauna generic missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
jaguar yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru) onca flora-fauna Panthera onca yee jé, yee doubtful loan into protolanguage, direction unknown Arawak (Chacon reconstructs); cf. TG *jawar Compare similar Arawak forms uncoded See Language page 1 2 0 0 0 yes
japurá oreja de murcielago japurá flora-fauna Erisma japura missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no large tree
kapok ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.) sumaumeira flora-fauna Ceiba pentandra missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas no tree
açai palm huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia) açaí flora-fauna Euterpe sp. missing missing See Language page 2 1 0 0 0 floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia no
cará tuber, purple or white camote, sachapapa cará roxo, branco flora-fauna Dioscorea sp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings no plant
kingfisher martín pescador, catalan (Peru) martim-pescador flora-fauna family Alcedinidae sãrã sãrã inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
leaf-cutter ant Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse saúva flora-fauna Atta sp. megãmʉ megãmɯ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Broader (generic 'ant') uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
firefly, lightning bug lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin) vagalume flora-fauna fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
macaw ara, guacamaya Arara flora-fauna family Psittacidae; Ara sp. majã mahã, bã'hã́ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Guahiban Proto-Guahiban; e.g. Macaguan máha uncoded See Language page 1 1 0 0 1 Widespread Amazonia no
maize, corn mazorca, maiz milho flora-fauna Zea mays ojodᵾcaporo ohodɨkapoɾo, ohodɨ'ká (H&R) semantic shift (in protolg?) East Tukanoan from banana; cf. Hup, Bora uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 widespread, esp. in river floodplains no plant
manatee vaca marina, manatí peixe-boi flora-fauna Trichechus sp. missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
mandi catfish maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish) mandi flora-fauna Auchenipterus sp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
manioc (bitter or generic) yuca brava mandioca flora-fauna Manihot esculenta quĩ kĩ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Compare Arawak forms w/ ka Broader (manioc in general) uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition. no Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet) yuca, caribe macaxeira flora-fauna Manihot esculenta kĩ kĩ missing Proto-Tukanoan Possible semantic shift? Broader (manioc in general) uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere no No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
miriti palm moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti buriti flora-fauna Mauritia flexuosa missing missing See Language page 2 1 0 0 0 Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps no trunks contain sago-like starch
mosquito mosquito, zancudo mosquito, carapana flora-fauna Anopheles sp. mᵾreamᵾ; ñirã mɨɾeamɨ; jiɾã, bɨ̃rẽ'ã́-bɨ̃ (H&R) inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Also jiɾã uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
moth mariposa nocturna, polilla mariposa flora-fauna order Lepidoptera missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
mushroom champiñón, hongo cogumelo flora-fauna (any edible generic) missing missing See Language page 0 2 0 0 0 no prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
neotropical otter (small) Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia) lontra flora-fauna Lontra longicaudis diatimi di'átĩbĩ, diatimi inheritance East Tukanoan Means both giant otter and small otter across various ET languages; not clear which meaning may have been original uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
opossum zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo mucura flora-fauna family Didelphidae oa oa doubtful loan into protolanguage, direction unknown East Tukanoan Tikuna Tikuna öwa uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
owl (large) búho, lechuza corujão flora-fauna order Strigiformes bupupogabu bupu'pógabu doubtful loan into protolg - WW? onomatopoeic? East Tukanoan %pupu WW %pupu uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread no
paca (lowland) Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana) paca flora-fauna Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.) sẽme sẽ'bé̃, sẽme inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
pacu fish palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru) pacu flora-fauna Mylossoma sp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
palm for roof thatch pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná caraná flora-fauna Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana mujire muhire missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests no palm
parrot loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib) papagaio flora-fauna Amazona amazonica weco we'kó inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 1 0 0 0 1 Widespread no
paxiuba palm pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba paxiuba flora-fauna Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol) pupunha flora-fauna Bactris gasipaes ~ɨdi ~ɨdi pupunha palm uncoded Chacon 2014: Appendix A 2 1 0 0 0 no
peanut maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete amendoim flora-fauna Arachis hypogaea missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no plant
pineapple piña abacaxi flora-fauna Ananas comosus sẽrã sẽrã inheritance East Tukanoan possibly from TG nana? uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no plant
pirana piraña, caribe piranha flora-fauna subfamily Serrasalmidae bũ'jṹ bũ'jṹ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no [not in this region]
porcupine puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru) cuandu, porco-espinho flora-fauna family Erethizontidae wáru wáru doubtful loan (into protolg?) East Tukanoan Carib, cf. Wai Wai waaro, also Yukuna walo uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
potato papa batata flora-fauna Solanum tuberosum ahʉ ahɯ unique uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 secondary scrub vegetation no compare entries for sweet potato
praying mantis, stick insects mantis religiosa louva-a-deus flora-fauna order Mantodea, family Mantidae soari soari unique uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
rubber tree (sorva) caucho, siringa, shiringa seringa, borracha flora-fauna Hevea sp. missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no tree
scorpion escorpión; alacran escorpião flora-fauna order Scorpiones córeba córeba inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 yes
seje palm ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá patoá, patuá flora-fauna Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua missing missing See Language page 2 1 0 0 0 mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia no may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
sloth pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru) macaco preguica flora-fauna Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp. tebori tebori unique uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
small lizard lagartija calango flora-fauna order Squamata missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
snail caracol, churo (Peru) caracol flora-fauna class Gastropoda missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna ã'jã́ ã'jã́ inheritance Several ET languages use 'snake' root in both forms uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara jararaca flora-fauna Bothrops jararaca/atrox ãña ãja inheritance uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread South America yes
speckled catfish surubí, pintadillo surubim, sorubim flora-fauna Pseudoplatystoma sp. missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
spider araña aranha flora-fauna Arachnidae, Araneae bʉpʉ bɯpɯ, bɨ'pɨ́ (H&R) inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
squash calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru) abóbora flora-fauna Cucurbita sp. ko'áru ko'áru missing East Tukanoan, Branch I Broader (also means bottle-gourd) uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no plant
squirrel ardilla, danta (Ven) serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo flora-fauna family Sciuridae wĩsõcã wĩsõcã inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
stingray (generic) rayas látigo, raya arraia flora-fauna Potamotrygon sp. missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
potato, sweet potato camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara batata-doce flora-fauna Ipomoea batatas ñapĩ ñapĩ, jã'pĩ́ inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no plant
tapir sachavaca, danta anta flora-fauna Tapirus terrestris wecʉ wecɯ, we'kɨ́ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
termites, white-ants comején (Peru), termitas cupim flora-fauna order Isoptera búrua búrua inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
tick garrapata carrapato flora-fauna superfam Ixodoidea tẽjẽ tẽhẽ inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
tigerfish taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru) traíra flora-fauna Hoplias sp. pawa pawa inheritance East Tukanoan, Branch I uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
tinamou tinamu, perdiz, gallineta inambu, inhambu flora-fauna family Tinamidae cãreña cãreña missing uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
toad sapo sapo flora-fauna order Anura tarubʉgʉ tarubɯgɯ, 'tárubɨgɨ inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 2 0 0 0 no
tobacco tabaco tabaco flora-fauna Nicotiana tabacum muru muru, bũ'rṹ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 1 0 0 0 1 no plant
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant) tortuga, morrocoy, motelo jabutí, tartaruga flora-fauna Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria peyo pe'jó inheritance Desano and Siriano uncoded See Language page 2 1 0 0 0 Widespread no
toucan tucán, pinsha (Peru) tucano flora-fauna Ramphastos sp. nasĩ nasĩ, dã'sĩ́ (H&R) doubtful loan into protolanguage Proto-Tukanoan North Arawak See e.g. Mandawaka da:se, Baniwa dzatte uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
tree árbol arvore flora-fauna yucʉgʉ ju kɨgɨ, jukɨ-'gɨ́ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 no
tufted capuchin monkey mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero macaco prego flora-fauna Cebus apella ũhrã ũhrã, ga'kí inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Also ũhrã? uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
cunuri (tree) cunuri cunuri flora-fauna Cunurea spruceana missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 Amazonia no
ucuqui yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru) ucuqui flora-fauna Pouteria ucuqui missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions no other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
vulture buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru) urubu flora-fauna family Cathartidae goroporã goro'pórã doubtful loan Carib Various kuru- forms in Carib uncoded See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread South America no
wasp avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa caba flora-fauna order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita utimʉ utimɯ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 2 0 0 0 no
white-fronted capuchin Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru) Caiarara flora-fauna Cebus albifrons missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
white-fronted spider monkey Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia) macaco aranha, coatá, quatá flora-fauna Ateles belzebuth/paniscus wáu, waʔ'ú wáu, waʔ'ú inheritance Proto-Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
white-lipped peccary Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana queixada flora-fauna Tayassu pecari yese buru (generic term for peccary) jese sɨɾigɨ, jesé inheritance East Tukanoan uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
Amazon tree-grape uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.) cucura flora-fauna Pourouma cecropiifolia missing missing See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times no a tree; not a true grape
woodpecker pájaro carpintero, carpintero pica-pau flora-fauna family Picidae missing missing See Language page 0 0 0 0 0 Widespread Amazonia no
tannia, yautia huitina (Peru), ñame taioba branca flora-fauna Xanthosoma spp. ñamu ñamu, 'jã́bũ, jãʔ'bṍ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Likely loan into Yukpa uncoded See Language page 0 1 0 0 0 no
hallucinogenic snuff vilca, cebil, yopo paricá, yopo flora-fauna Anadenanthera sp. or virola See Language page
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna diaye diaye inheritance See Language page
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna ñama ñama inheritance See Language page


Cultural Vocabulary (106)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes Word Structure Word Structure Notes General Notes Source
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven tierra do los muertos terra dos mortos culture-mythology missing See Language page
arrow flecha flecha subsistence tool buiriwaca buiriwaca inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Compound buiri-waka; shoot-dart hunting, warfare See Language page
axe/stone axe hacha (de piedra) machado (de pedra) subsistence tool cõme kõme inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex especially for clearing fields See Language page
bait for fishing cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru) isca subsistence tool missing can refer to worms; more generic See Language page
basin/bowl tazón, plato hondo, taza tijela culture-material missing See Language page
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material pui-bu inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
basket, small canasta, canasto, cesta cesto pequeno, tampado culture-material wʉjʉcoro wʉhʉkoro unknown Compound wʉhʉ 'arumá plant' See Language page
bead abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar miçanga culture-material ñahguida ñahgida inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan See Language page
bed cama cama culture-material o'já-ri-jẽ o'já-ri-jẽ unknown calque? See Language page
bench, seat banco, silla, asiento banco culture-material seh-ro seh-ro inheritance Desano-Siriano Simplex See Language page
blowgun cerbatana, pucuna (Peru) zarabatana subsistence tool bujuru buhuru inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan May derive from Iriartella palm, also possibly related to 'blow' Simplex currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region See Language page
bottle botella garrafa acculturation missing See Language page
bow arco arco subsistence tool buiribero buiribero inheritance from bui 'shoot'? Compound buiri-bero; shoot-? arco See Language page
broom escoba vassoura culture-material missing See Language page
canoe canoa canoa transport gasiru gasiru unique may be related to 'bark' (tree) Simplex See Language page
cat gato gato acculturation pisana pisana loan - WW %pisana WW %pisana probably originally from Port bicho 'small animal'; compare E. Tukano, (e.g. Desano pisana); Arawak (e.g. Tariana pisána); Carib (Makushi pisana; Pemon pitʃana); Kakua pitʃina. But note Quechua 'broom' pitʃana Simplex See Language page
chicken gallina galinha acculturation kãreña kãreña loan - WW %kara WW %karaka Probably Arawak origin (see Nordenskiold 1922). Tukanoan, e.g. Wanano karaka; Arawak, e.g. Baniwa kaláka; Yanomamo, Nadeb; Macaguan takra, Sikuani wakara Simplex See Language page
chief/leader jefe, cacique chefe culture-mythology opʉ opʉ inheritance? cf. %apu Simplex See Language page
club garrote, cachiporra clava, porrete subsistence tool missing See Language page
coca narcotics ãpĩ Unknown Found Desano, Siriano, Tanimuka Simplex See Language page
cook food food sora-ri Unknown Maybe cognate (or old loan?) Tanimuka Simplex See Language page
Curupira (spirit type) Curupira, Madremonte Curupira culture-mythology missing malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region See Language page
dance (generic) culture-mythology baja-ri sing, dance inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
dart (blowgun) dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru) dardo, seta subsistence tool bujuwaca buhuwaca inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Compound ?-dart hunting and warfare See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure dios(es), deidad divinidade, figura mítica culture-mythology missing In RN region, frequently translates as 'Bone-Son', 'One on the bone', etc. See Language page
digging stick subsistence tool Missing See Language page
dream sueño, soñar sonho, sonhar culture-mythology wʉja wʉha missing See Language page
drum tambor tambor culture-mythology to'átoré to'átoré doubtful loan Urarina, Jivaroan, Ticuna, Kokama, E. Tukanoan See Language page
fan abanico abanador, abano subsistence tool wẽrẽro wẽrẽro inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Compare similar terms in Carib Simplex esp. for fanning a cooking fire See Language page
feather headdress plumaje, corona de plumas enfeite/capacete de penas culture-mythology missing See Language page
fetish, charm fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga feitiço, puçanga culture-mythology missing See Language page
fireplace hogar lareira other peame peame fire, fireplace inheritance See Language page
firewood leña lenha other pea pea inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Also: gũmu 'log' Simplex See Language page
fish (with fish-poison) pescar con barbasco, barbasquear pescar com timbó; tinguijar food missing See Language page
fish (with line) anzuelear, pescar con linea pescar (com linha) food wai wẽhẽriсe wai wẽhẽriсe inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Compound (wẽhẽri= to kill) See Language page
fish poison barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó subsistence tool nia Unique Simplex See Language page
fishing line cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze linha de pesca subsistence tool missing See Language page
fishtrap trampa de peces, trampa matapi, cacuri subsistence tool tʉri tɯri inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe beiju food ãrũñe ãrũñe inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Simplex usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits See Language page
flour/meal from manioc fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina farinha food poga poga inheritance/sem shift Proto-East Tukanoan from 'powder' Simplex agriculture See Language page
flute flauta, quena (Peru) flauta culture-mythology tẽrẽdiru tẽrẽdiru inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex multiple types? japurutu, deer-bone, etc. See Language page
game animal caza, animal de caza caça, animal de caça food waibʉgʉ waibʉgʉ inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Other complex Classifier? Interesting correlation to 'fish' in Tukanoan languages See Language page
genipap culture-mythology Missing See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl) cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo cuia subsistence tool koaru koaru inheritance? Nheengatu See also similar forms in Arawak Simplex See Language page
grater rallador, rallo ralador, ralo subsistence tool sũgũru sũgũru inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well See Language page
grave tumba, sepultura, sepulcro sepultura, sepulcro, cova culture-mythology missing Simplex See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf) barbacoa jirau subsistence tool kaja (Chacon14) kaja (Chacon14) inheritance See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru) forno para beiju subsistence tool gararu gararu inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex agriculture? See Language page
gun arma, escopeta espingarda, fusil acculturation peagʉ peagʉ calque from 'fire' from wood/fire; possible calque - common complex form among Vaupes languages Derived wood/fire-? See Language page
hammock hamaca, chinchorro rede culture-material pʉgʉ̃ pɯgɯ̃ inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
hat sombero chapéu dress sapea sapea loan Port chapeu Port origin; Possibly via Arawak; Baniwa tsapéwa; Pemon sapewa Simplex See Language page
shaman, healer chamán, brujo xaman, pajé, feiticeiro culture-mythology cũmu kũmu loan - WW Proto-East Tukanoan %kumu Simplex In RN region, there is typically one person per village (if that) who is a full-fledged 'shaman'. He is very much a specialist and has considerable power to cure, as well as power to curse. He is respected and feared. Shamans are thought to turn themselv See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making canoa para chicha cocho de caxiri narcotics missing See Language page
honey miel mel food mome mome inheritance only gathered in wild throughout Amazonia? See Language page
hunt cazar caçar food waimʉrã waimɯrã unique Probably calqued in region Compound wai 'animal, fish' See Language page
knife cuchillo faca culture-material wíririmiji wíririmihi inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Inherited complex form or calque Compound wíriri-mihi; cut-? See Language page
loincloth taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla tanga, tapa-sexo dress wasuru wasuru Missing See Language page
machete machete facão culture-material matamijĩ matamihĩ unique Compound See Language page
mortar mortero pilão subsistence tool missing See Language page
fence, palisade cerco cerca other pohro pohro unknown Simplex may be related to defense/warfare? See Language page
panpipe carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora caniço, flauta de pã culture-mythology tarusu tarusu unknown Also: carisu Simplex See Language page
paper papel papel acculturation papera papera loan Span/Port 'papel' WW %papera Spanish/Portuguese > Nheengatu > others? Ninam liplo (metathesis); Arawak (e.g. Yucuna papera); Macaguan papéna; Tukanoan (Cubeo papela, Wanano papera pû, Tukano papéra); Nheengatu papera; Yanomam, papʰeo Simplex See Language page
pestle pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor mão de pilão subsistence tool missing See Language page
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other Missing See Language page
plate plato prato culture-material missing See Language page
policeman polícia policía acculturation missing See Language page
pot olla, pote panela, vasilha subsistence tool soro soro clay pot inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Also: komesoro 'metal pot' Simplex Classifier -bu See Language page
rattle matraca, maraca marico, chocalho culture-mythology ñasa ñasa inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
resin resina, brea, copal resina, brea, breu subsistence tool missing See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya) kapiwaya capiwaya culture-mythology missing See Language page
salt sal sal food moa moa inheritance/sem shift? original meaning 'salt plant' Simplex See Language page
school escuela escola acculturation escuela eskuela missing See Language page
shoes zapatos sapatos dress sapatu sapatu missing See Language page
skirt falda, saya, fustan, pollera saia culture-material missing See Language page
soldier soldado soldado acculturation surara surara loan - WW %surara See Language page
song (generic) canción, canto canção culture-mythology bayari bayari sing, dance inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex Yes See Language page
spear lanza lança subsistence tool ñosẽrimiji ñosẽrimihi inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Or maybe family-internal loan Compound ñosẽri 'spear (v.)' See Language page
starch (tapioca, other) almidón goma de tapioca food wera wera inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
stone for lighting fires piedra para hacer fuego pedra para acender fogo culture-material missing See Language page
sugarcane/sugar azúcar, caña de azúcar açucar (de cana) acculturation gãrʉ gãrʉ missing See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau cahuana, caguana mingau food ñumucu ñumuku inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Doubtful: found in 3 intermarrying ET languages and Tariana; loan Tuk > Tariana? Simplex agriculture See Language page
thatch/roof crisneja palha, caraná culture-material mujire muhire inheritance See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer) tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca tipiti food wãtiquéru wãtikéru inheritance Proto-East Tukanoan Doubtful, only attested Desano and Tukano (in contact) word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc See Language page
tobacco (native) narcotics muru inheritance Proto-Tukanoan Simplex See Language page
tripod for washing manioc trípode tripé subsistence tool ñama ñama Calque, direction unknown Arawak? deer=tripod occurs in all regional ET and where attested in Arawak lgs Simplex agriculture See Language page
venom for darts, poison veneno curare subsistence tool nima nima inheritance Proto-Tukanoan cf. %namo Simplex hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?) See Language page
wax cera cera other missing See Language page
woven strainer/sieve colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru) peneira, cumatá subsistence tool sihburu sihburu unknown Also: pamusihburu Simplex agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women) yurupari jurupari culture-mythology missing a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women. See Language page
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material puibu puibu inheritance See Language page
drum (large signal) tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia) tambor culture missing Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances See Language page
healer curandero benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano) culture-mythology inheritance Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well. See Language page
clothing ropa roupa culture-mythology suhri suhri inheritance See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology sĩporã (ghost, heart) sĩpoɾã semantic shift heart' See Language page
paddle/oar remo remo transport wejabu wehabu inheritance See Language page
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture pũ gubu pũ gubu inheritance See Language page
tattoo tatuaje, tatu tatuagem culture-mythology pãmu pãmu missing See Language page
paint body, body paint pintura corporal pintura corporal culture-mythology cõrã cõrã See Language page
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other missing See Language page
fermented drink masato, chicha caxiri, chicha culture péru péru loan (into protolanguage?) - WW %pajaru prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made See Language page
bottom grinding stone manufacture missing if different word from top grinding stone See Language page
digging stick subsistence tool missing See Language page
top grinding stone metate, mano; piedra de moler metate, mano manufacture missing use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic) subsistence tool missing See Language page
spearthrower subsistence tool missing See Language page
house other wihi wihi inheritance See Language page


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Grammatical Notes Source Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Pre-/post-nasalized stops Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. yes The voiced stops that occur in syllables that are intrinsically nonnasal are prenasalized when they appear word intitially or follow a nasal morpheme. Miller, Marion. 1999. Desano grammar: Studies in the languages of Colombia 6. Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at Arlington Publications in Linguistics, 132. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] no Miller 1999, p. 10, 12 The glottal fricative /h/ and the glottal stop /ʔ/ occur only intervocalically. They are followed by the echo of the vowel that precedes them.
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast no Miller 1999, p. 9-15
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? no not indicated/expected Miller 1999, p. 9-15
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels no not indicated/expected Miller 1999, p. 9-15
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme no Miller 1999, p. 15
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] yes CV (most common), CVʔ, V, Vʔ. Miller 1999, p. 15 possible, not the norm
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? no Miller 1999, p. 15
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones yes high tone always falls on stressed syllable, others are mid and low, stress/accent pattern Miller 1999, p.15 The phonological word is composed of one to five syllables with one pricipal stress.
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? yes The stressed syllable has high pitch. All others have mid or low. Miller 1999, p. 9,15
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments yes morphemes are either inherently nasal or oral or are unmarked for nasality (only suffixes) Miller 1999, p. 13-14 There is no grammatical or phonological pattern by means of which one can predict whether a morpheme will be inherently nasal, oral, or unspecified for nasality. This feature must be marked in the lexicon.
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? yes spreads to the right. only suffixes unmarked for nasality, and it is blocked by inherently oral vowels or consonants Miller 1999, p. 13
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony yes vowel lowering- affects limited number of verb suffixes Miller 1999, p. 18 Vowel harmony, involving vowel lowering, affects a limited number of verb suffixes (Kaye 1970:186-88): -di- (past nominative) changes to -de-, -bi- (negative) changes to -be-, -bu- becomes -bo-, -ku- to -ko-, and -yu- to -yo-.
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] yes ex. Tense evidental markers carry information about tense, subject, and how speaker obtained this info Miller 1999, p. 64
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone yes ex. Remote past is distingueshed from recent past by position of stress Miller 1999, p. 70
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes The obligatory elements in the main verb are the verb stem, a tense-evidential suffix, and a suffix which carries subject agreement. In between these can occur almost any number of modal, aspectual, and other markers, including the negative. Miller 1999, p. 63 The verb morphology of the language is quite extensive with suffixes expressing emphasis, direction of movement, causation, benefaction, negation, contraexpectation, as well as evidentiality, aspect, tense-mood, and person-number. Miller,p.6
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no Miller 1999, p. 5
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes suffixes exclusively Miller 1999, p. 5
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Miller 1999, p. 5
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated yes Miller 1999, p.111
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated no not indicated/expected Miller 1999
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced no Miller 1999, p. 35-56
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection no Miller 1999, p. 88
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word yes Desano makes use of verb compounding to enrich and expand the meaning of a clause. Miller 1999, p. 88 distinguished by stress
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' yes Desano has many bound affixes that could be called either derivational affixes or dependent verb roots that can only occur combined with another verb root to form a stem. Miller 1999, p. 89-90 there is a set of verb affixes that are always bound like doing something with your hand,, ex: carry-bend = kneel. 'boʔ-'
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs yes Desano has two auxiliary verbs, ii- 'do' and wa- 'go'. Miller 1999, p. 87 aux verbs carry person and number
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment no Nouns are considered to be incorporated when they form one stress group with the verb and when nothing comes between the noun and the verb. Miller 1999, p. 108 The change in meaning and the fact that this process is no longer productive indicates that noun incorporation has been lexicalized in Desano.
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns no Miller 1999, p. 110
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP yes Miller 1999, p.21
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders 7 Miller 1999, p.21
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. yes Miller 1999, p. 35
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter yes for nonhuman animates sex is assumed as male unless the word for women is added Miller 1999, p.21
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates no Miller 1999, p.21
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human yes Miller 1999, p.21
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only yes Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates no Miller 1999, p. 35
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates yes Inanimate nouns can also be subdivided into classes according to their inherent characteristics, in particular their shape. Miller 1999, p. 23
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" no Miller 1999, p. 43 there ae three general classifers that are often used for new objects
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals no Miller 1999, p. 46
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' yes There are several derivational suffixes in Desano that are used to derive verbs from nouns. The most productive is -kɨ that makes a possessive verb out of a noun. Miller 1999, p. 110, 36 Nouns are simple nouns or forms derived from verbs by the addition of the deverbilizers -ri and -ro to form inanimate nouns, and the nominalizing suffixes -gi (masc sing), -go (fem sing), and -rã (animate plural) to form animate nouns.
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups yes Collective animate nouns require the singularizing suffix -bɨ̃́˜ to refer to a single member. Some inherently plural inanimate nouns take the same singularizing suffix as the classifier for that category. Miller 1999, p. 23, 53 some inherently plural animate nouns have singularizing suffixes
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun yes The majority of inanimate nouns are pluralized by the addition of the suffix -ri. The majority of animate, nonhuman nouns use the plural suffix -a. Miller 1999, p. 52
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no Miller 1999, p. 52
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no Miller 1999, p. 52
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic no For nouns that are spherical in shape and that take the classifier -ru, 'dipa' is inserted between the noun and the classifier to form the plural. Miller 1999, p. 52 Ex. goru 'ball', godiparu 'balls'
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only no Miller 1999, p. 52
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns no Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' yes the marker '-sã' is used when the speaker knows the hearer is aware of the people that would be with the person whose name is given Miller 1999, p. 53 Marker -sã 'also' gives a plural meaning 'in addition to the others'
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only no Miller 1999, p. 21-34, 169 Participants are frequently introduced with yuhu- 'one' which seems to mean 'a certain' to indicate that that referent is a definite person or thing, although probably not known to the listener preciously, and that it is going to be salient in the discour
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness no Miller 1999, p. 31
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker yes The three general classifiers are used to refer to nonspecific items and frequently are employed to form new expressions for foreign objects; -yẽ, -pẽ, and dõhõ 'thing'. Miller 1999, p. 43-44 The article dipa- seems to have the meaning of the indefinite article 'a'
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you yes Miller 1999, p. 30 They may occur as head in a noun phrase or as a modifier of a head noun.
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) no Miller 1999, p. 63-87
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system 2 proximate 'this' and distant 'that'; 'the other' Miller 1999, p. 31 Demonstrative pronouns distinguish between animate and inanimate, and two degrees of distance.They are inflected for number and gender or class.
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) yes for inanimate demonstrative pronouns- thing vs location Miller 1999, p. 31
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns yes Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns no Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix yes formed by adding 'basi' self to personal pronouns Miller 1999, p. 30
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients no Miller 1999, p. 35
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 3 The case markers in Desano are the specific object marker -re, the locative marker -ge, and bẽrã 'with, accompaniment, intrument'. Miller 1999, p. 57 Both -ge and -bẽrã may be followed by -re.
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are no Miller 1999, p. 57
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) yes Miller 1999, p. 57 The specific object marker -re occurs at the end of the noun phrase and marks specific, referential partients of transitive verbs, experienceers, and spatial-temporal expressions to establish a new frame and give further references to that frame.
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates no Miller 1999, p. 57
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Miller 1999, p. 57 The case markers in Desano are the specific object marker -re, the locative marker -ge, and -bẽrã 'with, accompaniment, intrument'/ Both -ge and -bẽrã may be followed by -re.
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic no Miller 1999, p. 57
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic no Miller 1999, p. 57
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change no Miller 1999, p. 57
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone no Miller 1999, p. 57
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' yes The marker -bẽrã 'with' indicates instrument and accompaniment or coparticipation. Miller 1999, p.62
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Miller 1999, p. 46
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 yes Desano speakers use a quintenary system. Miller 1999, p. 46 Most Desanos now use the Spanish numbering system after the number 'four'
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 no Miller 1999, p. 46
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no Miller 1999, p. 46
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' yes five= 'one hand' Miller 1999, p. 46 yuhu 'one', bõhõtõ-ki-bãhã- 'hand'
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Miller 1999, p. 46 They count up to five on one hand, then start at six by saying 'one hand plus one' up to ten. From there they count on their feet up to the number twenty.
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no numerals go up to 20, aftewards it is 'a lot' Miller 1999, p. 46 baha 'a lot'
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no Miller 1999, p. 125
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no Miller 1999, p. 125
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? no Miller 1999, p. 49
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? no Miller 1999, p. 49
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' yes the possive marker and possive pronoun can be contracted Miller 1999, p. 49
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' no Miller 1999, p. 49
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities no Miller 1999, p. 49 The possessive pronouns are the same as the other personal pronouns in Desano.
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no Miller 1999, p. 49
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) yes Alienable possession used the case marker ya (genitive) Miller 1999, p. 49
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form no Miller 1999, p.49
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father yes Miller 1999, p. 49 The possessed form for '(my) father' is yɨ pagɨ, and the vocative form is aʔɨ; the possessed form for '(my) older sister' is yɨ t̃ĩgo, and the vocative is diʔo.
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg no body parts (ex. Head) can be used with the alienable possesion marker but it is more common to promote the owner as one of the major grammatical elements Miller 1999, p. 48
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) no Miller 1999, p.21-23
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes yes small set of roots that never occur with verb endings but only classifers Miller 1999, p. 51
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco yes Miller 1999, p. 51 These modifiers usually follow the head noun. However, they most often replace the head as a relative clause or a nominalized form followed by a classifier.
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb yes Action nominalizations are obtained with the deverbalizing suffix -ri or its past form -ra. Miller 1999, p. 142 less productively, -ro can also form an action nominalization.
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb yes Agent, subject, and animate patient nominalizations all involve the animate deverbilizers. Miller 1999, p. 142 There can be ambiguity between agent and animate patient nominalizations. For example, teacher and student are the same word.
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb yes For patient and instrument nominalizations, the nominalizing suffix precedes the appropriate classifiers. Miller 1999, p. 143 For nominalized verbs in the present, -ri precedes the classifier. For past nominalizations some classifiers take -di and some take -ra.
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective yes There are several derivational suffixes in Desano that are used to derive verbs from nouns. The most productive is -ki that makes a possessive verb out of a noun. Miller 1999, p.110-111 Also, -ye added to a noun has the meaning of 'give'. Verbs derived with -ye are bitransitive.
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' no The marker bẽrã ‘with’ indicates instrument and accompaniment or coparticipation. Miller 1999, p. 62
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere yes Miller 1999, p. 69
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past yes recent (-a) and remote (-ra) Miller 1999, p. 69 Desano distinguished between remote and recent past and has a three-way system of marking future tense.
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future yes Miller 1999, p. 70 3-way system of marking for future tense; 'might', 'probably will', and 'future'
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) yes Miller 1999, p. 71
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Miller 1999, p. 63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Miller 1999, p. 63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut yes remote is distinguished from present in the visual evidential by the position of stress Miller 1999, p. 69
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Miller 1999, p. 63
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood yes multiple forms Miller 1999, p. 72 The imperative suffix replaces the evidential and subject agreement markers in the independent verb..
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) yes courtesy form Miller 1999, p. 72
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses no Miller 1999, p. 73
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' yes called exhortative Miller 1999, p. 72 exhortative (p); -rã 'Let's', -biri-kã-rã 'Let's not…'
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something yes Miller 1999, p. 81 The variation in form is due to vowel harmony.
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction no Miller 1999, p. 81 The potential, dubitative, frustrative, desiderative, and abilitative moods are coded by a series of verbal suffixes that follow the verb root and presede the evidentials.
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking no Miller 1999, p. 81
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis yes Miller 1999, p. 81
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction no Miller 1999, p. 81
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking no Miller 1999, p. 81
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected no Miller 1999, p. 81
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") yes Miller 1999, p. 81
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality yes Miller 1999, p. 77, 86 The suffix -gua 'do as a habit' is used in the sense of talking about whether or not that person will do an action and saying he probably will because he customarily does it.
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' yes Miller 1999, p. 73
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' no all future tense is in irrealis Miller 1999, p. 71
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative no Miller 1999, p.84-85 would INTESITY as expressed by suffixes (3) included in this? Inclination is to say not (bc pos and neg) but notes say "speaker's feelings"
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. yes The usual affix to indicate aciton away from the speaker is -a and towards the speaker is -ri (present) or -ra (-ri + -a past). The directional suffixes can be attached to any of the directional verbs. Miller 1999, p. 80-81 The morphology of the directional formatives, or deictic markers, suggests that they are derived from the verbs wa- 'go' and ari- 'come'. When these suffixes occur with 'duha' (remain at one's base), they indicate returning to one's base./ Another directional suffix -bia (omnilocative), noted by Kaye (1970:71). It has limitted distribution.
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker yes The visual evidential lets the hearer know that the speaker himself experienced the event or was a witness to it. It is used also to express truths or states that the speaker can attest to from his experience. Miller 1999, p. 65 The verb kari- with the visual evidential indicates that the speaker obtained his information from senses other than the visual. (the verb can occur alone but most often occurs with other verbs)
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) no Miller 1999, p. 64 see above notes on kari- (125-N)
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. yes The inferred evidential is composed of a verb phrase with the verb árĩ- 'be' acting as an auxiliary suffixed by the recent or remote past marker and verb agreement. Miller 1999, p. 67 Some Desano speakers feel that the assumed would be used if the event had just happened and the inferred used when referring to it later.
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' yes Miller 1999, p. 66 There are no observed examples of the hearsay evidential occuring in first person, but occasionally it occurs with second person. Most commonly, this evidential is used in connection with a past action.
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse no Miller 1999, p. 64
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above yes "opinion suffix" Miller 1999, p. 68 When -sõ is attached to the end of the verb or verb nominalization, it almost always is followed by the speaker saying, 'I think' or 'He thought', and it is about something that hasn't happened or a state of affairs.
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic yes Miller 1999, p. 64
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs yes Miller 1999, p. 64
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle no Miller 1999, p. 64
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme no Miller 1999, p. 64
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion no Miller 1999, p.64
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction yes Miller 1999, p.113 There are four morphological causatives.
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order yes SOV is most popular order Miller 1999, p. 2
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject no Miller 1999, p. 2
Word Order VS in transitive clauses no Miller 1999, p. 2
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object no Miller 1999, p. 2
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject no Miller 1999, p. 2
Word Order Preposition-Noun no Miller 1999, p. 3
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix yes Miller 1999, p. 3
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) yes Miller 1999, p. 5
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') no Miller 1999, p. 5
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun yes Miller 1999, p. 4
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun no Miller 1999, p. 4
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Miller 1999, p. 5
Word Order Noun-Dem no Miller 1999, p. 5
Word Order Num-Noun yes Miller 1999, p. 4
Word Order Noun-Num no if the number follow the head noun, they preced the classifer Miller 1999, p.4
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies yes Miller 1999, p. 6
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no Miller 1999, p. 6
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no Miller 1999, p. 6
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no Miller 1999, p.158-159
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes Miller 1999, p. 131 The interrogative pronouns used to form questions either begin the sentence or directly follow the topic.
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects yes Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative yes Miller 1999, p. 30
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative no Miller 1999, p. 30
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Miller 1999, p. 30
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite no Miller 1999, p. 30
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive no Miller 1999, p. 30
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs yes Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects yes Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes yes Miller 1999, p. 123
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers yes Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers no Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately no Miller 1999, p.63-75
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes no Miller 1999, p.48-49
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent yes Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently no Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives yes Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently no Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. yes Miller 1999, p. 119
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. yes Miller 1999, p. 118
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb yes Miller 1999, p. 118
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted yes Miller 1999, p. 120
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no Miller 1999, p.121
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency no Miller 1999, p.121
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb yes Miller 1999, p. 117
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb yes possesor ascension and accusative of interest Miller 1999, p. 117
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb no Miller 1999, p. 114
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb yes add -pu or -po Miller 1999, p. 115
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix yes the second syllable or final vowel is replaced with bo/bõ/b˜u or o/u Miller 1999, p. 114
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization yes add verb root dore- to another verb root Miller 1999, p. 115
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' yes verb root plus -kɨ̃ followed by the verb ii- Miller 1999, p. 116
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event yes Miller 1999, p.115-116
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency yes Valence increasing operations are causative, benefactive, and possessor upgrading. Miller 1999, p.113
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element no Miller 1999, p.135
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element yes Miller 1999, p.135
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix yes Miller 1999, p. 7
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle no Miller 1999, p. 7
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb no Miller 1999, p. 7
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' no Miller 1999, p. 7
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' yes Miller 1999, p. 7
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase no Miller 1999, p. 7
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle yes follows noun or phrase to ask a question about the expression Miller 1999, p. 8, 133
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology yes suffix replaces person, gender, and number suffixes Miller 1999, p. 8
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no Miller 1999, p. 8
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only no Miller 1999, p. 8
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) no Miller 1999, p. 131
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position no there are virtually no predicate adjectives Miller 1999, p. 125 Adjective concepts are normally expressed by nominalizing a stative verb.
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position no Miller 1999, p. 125
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) no Predicate nominals consist minimally of a predicate noun phrase followed by an affirmative or negative form of the verb ár̃ĩ/ãʔr̃̃ĩ- 'be' Miller 1999, p.125
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) yes Most of the clauses functioning as the complement of other clauses are nominalized and may be viewed as headless relative clauses. Miller 1999, p.145
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. yes Miller 1999, p.145
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause yes Miller 1999, p.148-149
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix yes Miller 1999, p.148
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) yes Miller 1999, p.148 The same nominalizing suffixes are used, whether the nominalized clause functions as subject, direct object, indirect object, oblique object, possessor equative predicate of a predicate nominal, or noun phrase constituent.
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) yes Nominalizations formed with the deverbalizer -ro may function as object complement of desiderative verbs. Miller 1999, p.147 The verb root is either gãb˜e- 'want' or a verb root plus the desiderative -dia.
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. yes Miller 1999, p. 154
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined yes Miller 1999, p. 157
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence yes Miller 1999, p. 157


Ethnographic Information
Current Population (speakers) Former Population Estimate Subsistence Preference Density Sedentism Ecotome Marriage Pattern Notes Source
1800 medium AG medium sedentary Small rivers Linguistic exogamy