Language | Feature Status | Grammatical Notes | Source | Etymology Notes | General Notes | Phylogenetic Code |
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Language | Feature Status | Grammatical Notes | Source | Etymology Notes | General Notes | Phylogenetic Code |
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Achagua | yes? | The suffix -kuaa can derive an object, although there is no indication that it is confined to this use | Wilson & Levinsohn 1992: 51 | |||
Aché | no info | |||||
Adnyamathanha | ||||||
Aghu-Tharnggala | Maybe | 50 | 1 | |||
Aguaruna | yes | Overall 2007:433 | ||||
Alyawarr | no info | X | ||||
Andoke | yes | suffix - kə̃́ derives various types and classes of nouns, -sé derives instruments; -a derives agents and objs. | Landaburu 1979: 141-143, 153 | possibly comes from verb 'to be' | ||
Apurinã | yes | This suffix is used as either an instrumental or object nominalizer "thing to V with" or "thing to V". Facundes notes that both nominalizers are not completely productive. | Facundes, 2000: 240-241 | |||
Arabana | no info | x | ||||
Arrernte | Yes | 103 | 1 | |||
Asheninka Apurucayali | yes | Turns it into a noun, which can then be either subject or object. | Payne 1981:111 | |||
Añun | no info | Patte 1989 | ||||
Bandjalang | yes | 38 | 1 | |||
Baniwa | yes | Ramirez 2001 | ||||
Barasano | no | Jones & Jones 1991, p.21 | ||||
Bardi | no | 0 | ||||
Bare | yes | Aikhenvald, 1995: 21 | ||||
Batyala | no info | x | ||||
Baure | yes | suffix -no (this suffix also marks the verb of a relative clause) | Danielsen 2007: p190 | |||
Bidjara-Gungabula | no info | x | ||||
Bilinarra | no info | 6.2.3.1 | x | |||
Biri | no info | x | ||||
Bora | no | In some instances, the nominalization is achieved through tone change. | Seifart - 2005:58-63 | |||
Bularnu | no info | x | ||||
Bunuba | no info | x | ||||
Cabecar | no info | |||||
Cahuilla | ||||||
Central Aymara | no info | I'm fairly sure that objects derived from verbs also use the suffix ta, that is there is no distinction between subject and object as far as verb nominalizing suffixes go. | ||||
Chemehuevi | ||||||
Comanche | ||||||
Cubeo | no | Morse & Maxwell 1999, p. 90 | ||||
Cupeño | ||||||
Damana | yes | For all productive nominalizing, the morphemes used are verb roots or verbs or nouns--unsure if this is true nominalizing | ||||
Darkinyung | no info | x | ||||
Desano | yes | For patient and instrument nominalizations, the nominalizing suffix precedes the appropriate classifiers. | Miller 1999, p. 143 | For nominalized verbs in the present, -ri precedes the classifier. For past nominalizations some classifiers take -di and some take -ra. | ||
Dharawal | no info | x | ||||
Dharuk | ||||||
Diyari | no info | x | ||||
Djabugay | ||||||
Djapu | yes | 109 | 1 | |||
Djinang | Yes | 129 | 1 | |||
Duungidjawu | yes | 43 | 1 | |||
Dyirbal | yes | 81-2 | 1 | |||
Dâw | no | Martins 2004 | ||||
Eñepa | yes | Payne 2012:107 | ||||
Gabrielino | ||||||
Garrwa | no info | X | ||||
Githabul | yes | 26 | 1 | |||
Gooniyandi | no info | x | ||||
Guaymí | no | Quesada 2008:49-53 | ||||
Gugu-Badhun | no info | x | ||||
Gumbaynggirr | yes | 367 | 1 | |||
Guna | no | Smith texts | ||||
Gunya | yes | 314 | 1 | |||
Gupapuyngu | ||||||
Gureng Gureng | no info | x | ||||
Guugu-Yimidhirr | No | 99 | 0 | |||
Hunter River and Lake Macquarie | yes | 90-91 | 1 | |||
Hup | no | Epps 2008 | ||||
Idaho Shoshone | ||||||
Ika | no info | |||||
Ingá | yes | Levinson 1978:6 | ||||
Jaru | no info | x | ||||
Jingulu | yes | 1 | ||||
Kaingang | no info | Silva 2011/Goncalves 2011 | ||||
Kakua | no | Bolaños fieldnotes | ||||
Kalkatungu | no | 79, 56b | 0 | |||
Karajarri | No | 238 | 0 | |||
Karitiana | yes | However, this nominalizer may also derive locative, instruments, etc. | Everett 2006:296-300 | |||
Katthang | yes | 86-90 | 1 | |||
Kaurna | No info | x | ||||
Kawaiisu | ||||||
Kinikinau | no info | |||||
Kitanemuk | ||||||
Kogi | no info | |||||
Kokama | yes | Vallejos 2010:234 | ||||
Kokatha | Yes | 47 | 1 | |||
Koreguaje | no | Cook & Criswell 1993, p.27-28, 47 | ||||
Kotiria | yes | Stenzel 2004, p. 104 | ||||
Kugu-Nganhcara | No | 411 | 0 | |||
Kuku Yalanji | no info | x | ||||
Kunjen | No | 111 | 0 | |||
Kurrama | no info | x | ||||
Kuuk Thaayorre | No | 426 | 0 | |||
Luiseño | ||||||
Macaguan | no info | Buenaventura - 1993 | ||||
Maipure | yes | Zamponi 2003:27-28 | ||||
Makiritare | no info | Hall 1988 | ||||
Makuna | no | Smothermon & Smothermon 1993, p.35 | ||||
Makushi | yes | Abbott 1991: 96 | ||||
Mapudungun | no info | Zúñiga 2006, p. 87 | ||||
Marrgany | yes | 314 | 1 | |||
Martuthunira | no | 144-148 | 0 | |||
Mathi-Mathi | no | 98 | 0 | |||
Matses | yes | Fleck:295 | ||||
Mayi-Yapi | yes | 39 | 1 | |||
Minica Witoto | yes | Minor and Minor 1982. p.98-100 | ||||
Mpakwithi | ||||||
Muruwari | yes | 81-2 | 1 | |||
Nadëb/Roçado dialect | yes | generic nominalizer doo | Weir 1984:63 | |||
Nanti | no | Michael, 2008. p. 303-304 | ||||
Narungga | No info | 70 | x | |||
Naso | no | Quesada 2000 | ||||
Ngaatjatjara | yes | 90 | 1 | |||
Ngarinyeri | No info | x | ||||
Ngarinyin | ||||||
Ngayawang | No info | x | ||||
Ngiyambaa | no | 199-200 | 0 | |||
Nhanta | no info | x | ||||
Nheengatu | no info | Cruz 2011 | ||||
Ninam | no | Goodwin-Gomez, p.116-117 | "nominalization" but none of these kinds | |||
Northern Emberá | no info | |||||
Northern Paiute | ||||||
Nyangumarta | no | 0 | ||||
Nyikina | no | 0 | ||||
Nyulnyul | no info | x | ||||
Nyungar | no info | x | ||||
Paakantyi | no info | X | ||||
Palikur | yes | Green and Green 1972:50 | ||||
Panyjima | no | 0 | ||||
Paraguayan Guaraní | yes | Krivoshein and Acosta 2001:115 | ||||
Paresi | no info | Rowan 1978, Rowan and Burgess 1979, Brandão 2010 | ||||
Pemon | no info | |||||
Piapoco | yes | Galindo, 2002: 133 | ||||
Pintupi | no info | x | ||||
Pitjantjatjara | Yes | G 149 | 1 | |||
Pitta-Pitta | No | 209 | 0 | |||
Puinave | yes | Giron 2008: p245-6 | ||||
Páez | no info | |||||
Quechua Ayacuchano | yes | Parker 1965:29 | ||||
Resígaro | yes | Allin calls this "concrete nominalization." The preceding vowel is lengthened and given a high tone. | Allin, 1976: 109-110 | |||
Ritharrngu | No | 77 | 0 | |||
Sanumá | no | Borgman 1990: 142-144 | ||||
Serrano | ||||||
Shoshone | ||||||
Sikuani | yes | ex: xáne (to eat), pexáejawa (food, "n" dropped) | de Kondo (Vol.1) - 1985:93 | |||
Siona | yes | The suffix "-ye" is for abstract objects. Concrete, inanimate objects can be formed be adding the appropriate nominal classifier to the verb. | Wheeler - 1987:114 | |||
Southern Paiute | ||||||
Southern Ute | ||||||
Surui | no info | |||||
Tanimuca | yes | Retuarã allows a variety of object complements, that is, clauses embedded as the object of the verb. | Strom 1992, p.158 | |||
Tariana | yes | Aikhenvald, 2003: 200 | ||||
Thanggati | no | 62-65 | 0 | |||
Tharrkari | Yes | 19 | 1 | |||
Tikuna | no info | |||||
Timbisha | ||||||
Tukano | yes | suffix -se derives N from V | West and Welch 2004: 69; Ramirez 1997: 114 | |||
Uradhi | No | 372 | 0 | |||
Urarina | yes | Olawsky:404-5 | ||||
Wajarri | No | 102 | 0 | |||
Wakaya | no info | x | ||||
Walmajarri | no info | x | ||||
Wambaya | no info | x | ||||
Wangkumara | no | 14, 33 | 0 | |||
Waorani | no info | |||||
Wapishana | yes | Santos 2006 | ||||
Warlpiri | yes | n25 | 1 | |||
Warluwarra | no info | x | ||||
Warnman | Yes | 51 | 1 | |||
Warrgamay | no info | x | ||||
Warrwa | no info | x | ||||
Warumungu | yes | 52 | 1 | |||
Warungu | yes | 309 | 1 | |||
Wathawurrung | no | 86-88 | 0 | |||
Waunana | no info | |||||
Wayuu | no info | No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns. | Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797 | |||
Wemba-Wemba | no info | x | ||||
Western Mono | ||||||
WesternTorres | no info | FO 121 | x | |||
Wiradjuri | no info | x | ||||
Wirangu | yes | 55 | 1 | |||
Woiwurrung | no info | x | ||||
Worrorra | no info | X | ||||
Yagua | yes | a paradigm exists that specifies animate/inanimate | Payne and Payne 1990:357 | |||
Yalarnnga | no info | x | ||||
Yan-nhangu | ||||||
Yandruwandha | no info | x | ||||
Yanesha' | yes | The orthographic form is -aret̴/-et̴ | Duff-Tripp 1997:40 | |||
Yanomami | no | Ramirez 1994: 363-378 | no evidence for this | |||
Yanyuwa | no info | x | ||||
Yavitero | yes | as in tésiasi 'vomit' from tésia 'vomitar' | Mosonyi, 1987: p. 47 | |||
Yawuru | ||||||
Yidiny | not done yet | X | ||||
Yindjibarndi | yes | 104-120 | 1 | |||
Yindjilindji | no info | x | ||||
Yine | no info | Matteson 1965 | ||||
Yingkarta | no info | x | ||||
Yir Yoront | ||||||
Yorta Yorta | maybe | 98 | 1 | |||
Yugambeh | ||||||
Yukuna | yes | Shauer (1978) notes that this is a nominalizer. He doesn't note its specific function, but it does create an obligatorily possessed noun. The example is "his heat." | Shauer & Shauer, 1978: p. 48 | |||
Yulparija | No | 55 | 0 | |||
Yuwaalaraay | Yes | 106 | 1 |
Language |
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