Phonology - Segmental |
Pre-/post-nasalized stops |
Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.14 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Segmental |
Glottalized/ejective consonants |
Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.16 |
|
Some sentences may optionally occur with a final glottal stop but this phenomenon is regarded as outside of segmental phonology. |
|
Phonology - Segmental |
Palatalized stops |
Phonemic contrast |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.8-17 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Segmental |
Phonemic vowel length |
Does the language have long and short vowels? |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.8-17 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Segmental |
Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.8-17 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Segmental |
Complex onsets |
Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme |
no |
The phonological word may consist of from one to nine syllables. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.10 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Segmental |
No codas |
*(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] |
yes |
V and CV are the possible syllable patterns |
Jones & Jones 1991 p.10 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Segmental |
Word-final coda required |
Do all syllables end in a consonant? |
no |
(c)v |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.10 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Suprasegmental |
Contrastive tones |
Note how many contrastive tones |
yes |
2 contrastive tones; High and High-Low. |
Gomez-Imbert, p.1 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Suprasegmental |
Contrastive stress |
Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? |
yes |
Stress is phonemic on the word level, with one primary stress per word. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.10 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Suprasegmental |
Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable |
In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments |
yes |
Each morpheme is analyzed as either being all nasal or all oral |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.13 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Suprasegmental |
Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries |
Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? |
yes |
Nasalization may spread throughout a word, on a morphological basis, generally spreading to the right. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.13 |
|
|
|
Phonology - Suprasegmental |
Vowel harmony |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.8-9 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) |
Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] |
yes |
Verbal suffixes express emphasis, direction of movement, causation, benefaction, negation, contraexpection, aspect, tense-mood, and person-number. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes |
Stem change, tone |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.45,101 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) |
Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5,45 |
|
The verb morphology is quite extensive. |
|
Morphology - General |
Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing |
There are many more prefixes than suffixes |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing |
There are many more suffixes than prefixes |
yes |
Affixation in Barasano consists of suffixes only. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred |
The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Reduplication: full |
The full morpheme is reduplicated |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.41-47 |
|
|
|
Morphology - General |
Reduplication: partial |
Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.41-47 |
|
|
|
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs |
Productive NN compounding |
Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced |
yes |
Compound nouns are rare. In the few that occur, the first noun attributes characteristics or properties and the second provides the reference. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs |
Productive VV serialization (without compounding) |
Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.45 |
|
|
|
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs |
Productive VV compounding |
Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word |
yes |
Compound verbs are formed by a combination of two roots with the second one being inflected. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.45 |
|
|
|
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs |
Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions |
There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.37 |
|
|
|
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs |
Auxiliary verb(s) |
There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs |
yes |
Barsano has 3 auxiliaries: ya, yi, yã |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.37-38 |
|
ya 'to do, say, think' is used for Progressive aspect, yi 'to do, say, think' is used with any distance in space/time, yã 'to be' is Durative. |
|
Morphology - Incorporation |
Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process |
Verb contains nominal segment |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.25 |
|
Barasano has only one verb with an incorporated object that does not occur with marked objects and is considered to be instransitive. |
|
Morphology - Incorporation |
Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs |
Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns |
yes |
Barasano is a verb-adjective language |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Noun classes/genders |
Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP |
yes |
Nouns in Barasano fill the roles of subject, object, benefactive, location, time, manner, and instrument. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.19 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Number of noun classes/genders |
Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders |
8 |
They are divided into eight classes with the most basic division being animate vs. inanimate. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.19 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) |
Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. |
yes |
Barasano has an extensive system of noun classifiers, which provide concordance within the noun phrase, and are used to form referring expressions that head noun phrases. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.49 |
|
11 Major categories of Barasano classifiers; Shape, masses, designs, botanical, disassociated parts, geographical, manner-formed, abstract, associative, general, residue. Shape is the major feature and comprises the largest category. |
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates |
Masculine, feminine, neuter |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.20 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.19-21 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system |
Animate/inanimate, human/non-human |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.19 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns |
add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only |
yes |
In the third person singular there is an animate/inanimate distinction as well as separate forms for masculine and feminine. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.50-51 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates |
|
yes |
Shape is the major feature and comprises the largest category. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.50 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
"Repeater" classifiers |
Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.49-58 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) |
Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.59 |
|
Numerals occur with suffixes which generally refer to an implicit head. |
|
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification |
Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns |
Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' |
yes |
Verbs may also have derivational suffixes which form nouns or adverbs. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Singular number may be marked on the noun |
Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups |
yes |
Nouns which refer to collections are inherently plural and require a singularizing suffix to refer to a single member. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.20 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Plural affix on noun |
|
yes |
Nouns may be pluralized in various ways: the prototypical marker for animate nouns is -a (plural, animate) and the pluralizer for nearly all inanimate nouns is -ri (plural, inan.) |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.20 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.20-21 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Plural marked by reduplication of noun |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.19-21 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Plural word/clitic |
|
yes |
In cases where quantifiers modify nouns; hãrã 'many' precedes animates and hairo 'many' precedes inanimates. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.58-59 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Plural marked on human or animate nouns only |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.20-21 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix |
Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Number |
Unique associative plural marker |
e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.20 |
|
Barasano uses the noun bẽsa (animate group) to refer to 'and those with him'. |
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Definite or specific articles |
Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.4 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives |
Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.32 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Indefinite or non-specific article |
or marker |
yes |
There are three general classifiers frequently used to form new expressions for foreign objects. i.e. 'thing' |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.56 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals |
Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you |
yes |
Barasano has personal pronouns that distinuish between first person plural inclusive and exclusive. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.37 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) |
Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system |
3 |
The pronouns for animate referents distinguish two degrees of distance- proximate and distal; those for inanimate have an additional medial degree of distance. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.32 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity |
Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.32-33 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories |
Gender in 3sg pronouns |
|
yes |
In the third person singular there is an animate/inanimate distinction as well as separate forms for masculine and feminine. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories |
Gender in 3pl pronouns |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories |
Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories |
Formal/informal distinction in pronouns |
Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories |
Reflexive pronouns |
e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix |
yes |
Reflexive pronouns are formed by adding bãsu 'self' to the personal pronouns |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Adpositions mark core NPs |
Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients |
yes |
Barasano uses only postpositions in adpositional phrases. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.3 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: number of cases |
Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun |
6 |
4 morphemes which mark case: -re occurs on NP in the roles of object, experiencer, benefactee, and manner; rãka occurs on noun phrases of accompaniment and instrument; -hu marks locations or times; and ya marks the genitive. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked |
Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: symmetrical |
All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: asymmetrical |
Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: suffix or postpositional clitic |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: prefix or prepositional clitic |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: infix or inpositional clitic |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: stem change |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: tone |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions |
Case: comitative = instrumental |
Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' |
yes |
The postposition rãka 'with' indicates coparticipation and instrument. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.68-69 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Base-2 |
At least some part of the system involves base-2 |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.60 |
|
hua 'two' is rarely marked as plural |
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Base-5 |
At least some part of the system involves base-5 |
yes |
The Barasana count by fingers and toes, and eventually by people. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.36 |
|
koho-bõ-kõ-ro(one-hand-count-NOM) |
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Base-10 |
At least some part of the system involves base-10 |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.59-60 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Other base (specify) |
4, 20, etc. |
yes |
The word for twenty is 'one human count'. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.36 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 |
e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' |
no |
The word for 'five' is koho-bõ-kõ-rõ (one-hand-count-NOM) |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.36 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Numerals do not go above 5 |
'Many' or some other non-exact term used |
yes |
They normally count up to five and beyond that would use 'many'. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.36 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Numerals |
Numerals do not go above 10 |
'Many' or some other non-exact term used |
no |
|
|
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Other nominal |
Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates |
i.e. nominal or adjectival |
yes |
Deverbal nouns are generally formed by a verb root plus tense marker plus a nominalizer suffix. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.42 |
|
|
|
Nominal Categories - Other nominal |
Person inflection on non-verbal predicates |
i.e. nominal or adjectival |
yes |
The nominalizer suffix may simply be the regular gender-number suffix for nouns or a combined form of gender, number, animacy, and time and space. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.42 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession |
Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N |
alienable/inalienable? |
no |
Barasano uses the case marker ya (genitive) to express ownership. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
The genitive ya occurs with a suffix to indicate the possessed. |
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession |
Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N |
alienable/inalienable? |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession |
Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent |
e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession |
Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head |
e.g. 'the boy his-dog' |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61-62 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession |
Possessive classifiers |
There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.62 |
|
For inanimate possessed elements, a classifier suffix is used. The possessor is generally a personal pronoun. The phrases so formed refer back to some previously-mentioned animate, possessed beings |
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability |
Morphological marking of inalienable possession |
Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability |
Morphological marking of alienable possession |
Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability |
Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed |
An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability |
Inalienable possession of kin terms |
'my-father' but *father |
yes |
Kinship terms are obligatorily preceded by a noun or pronoun which refers to the person so related and which directly precedes the kinship term. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
Kinship terms are obligatorily preceded by a noun or pronoun which regers to the person so related and which directly precedes the kinship term. |
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability |
Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) |
'my-leg' but *leg |
no |
To indicate the possession of body parts, a noun or pronoun is directly followed by the term for the body part. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability |
Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed |
Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.5 |
|
In referring to animates, ya (genitive) is followed by gender-number markers. |
|
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives |
Underived adjectives |
There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes |
no |
Barasano is a verb-adjective language, which is to say that there is a single set of roots which may take either regular verbal inflection and serve as predicates or may take nom, part., and classifiers and serve as modifiers in NP. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives |
Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP |
There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco |
yes |
A descriptive noun phrase is formed by a stative verb followed by a gender-number marker or nominalizer. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
or a participle and a classifier or, for humans, the word bãs- 'human' plus gender-number marker. |
|
Nominal Syntax - Derivation |
Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) |
There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.45 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Derivation |
Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) |
There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.42-43 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Derivation |
Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) |
There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.21 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Derivation |
Productive verbalizing morphology |
There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
|
|
Nominal Syntax - Other |
NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently |
'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.68 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Dedicated past marker(s) |
Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.85 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference |
e.g. distant vs. recent past |
yes |
There are three basic past tenses for realis events: immediate & far past, and inferred. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.85 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference |
e.g. imminent vs. distant future |
yes |
Third person imperatives are divided into near-future and distant-future tenses. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.78-82 |
|
Proximate and nonproximate markers are only found in first- and third-person imperatives. |
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.73-92 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Tense-aspect affixes: prefix |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.82,92 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Tense-aspect affixes: suffix |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.82-92 |
|
Affixation in Barasano consists of suffixes only. |
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.82-92 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense |
Tense-aspect suppletion |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.82-92 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form |
There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood |
no |
There are first-, second-, and third-person imperatives in which various features of distance in time and space are distinguished. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.75 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Polite imperative morpheme |
There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.75-82 |
|
epps - an event that has beginning and end point. Not ongoing so "go get water" is not as a command but something that already is completed |
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses |
There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses |
no |
Negation of imperatives is for the most part regular. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.126 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) |
as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' |
yes |
The present plural imperative construction may employ verbs of boh motion and nonmotion to express hortatory commands by the use of -to (second person imperative.) |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.79-80 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Situational possibility: affix on verb |
Inflectional marking of capacity to do something |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.92-100 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Situational possibility: verbal construction |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.92-100 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Situational possibility: other marking |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.92-100 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Epistemic possibility: affix on verb |
Modal expressing hypothesis |
yes |
Anticipatory aspect is used to explain an event by means of the action or state anticipated as the resultant event. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.97-98 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Epistemic possibility: verbal construction |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.97-98 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Epistemic possibility: other marking |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.97-98 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Marking of expected/unexpected action or result |
There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected |
yes |
The aspect of fulfillment expressed by -koã includes both completive aspect as well as the idea of fulfillment of an expectation. Contraexpectation is expressed by -boa. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.92-94,104 |
|
The fulfillment may be the expectation or the opposite of the expectation, depending on the context. The opposite is determined pragmatically and not marked. (or by contraexp.) |
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Verbal frustrative |
Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.91 |
|
The tenses of conjecture with -boo (subjunctive) to express the subj. mood, i.e., that which would have occurred but did not for some reason. |
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Verbal habitual |
Modal expressing habituality |
yes |
Habitual aspect is indicated by -rũgu (habitual) before the tense-evidential and subject-agreement inflection markers. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.98 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Apprehensive construction |
There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' |
yes |
The tense evidentials of avoidance is marked by -ro. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.88 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Reality status marking on verbs |
There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83,88 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Mood |
Affect markers (positive/negative) |
Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.92-105 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Directionals |
Directional elements affixed to the verb |
There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. |
yes |
The second nominalizer used in anticipatory aspect indicates direction of the motion. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.97-98 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Grammaticalized visual |
Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker |
yes |
The present nonproximate indicates that the speaker views participant(s) of the event to which he is referring as visible yet removed from himself. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83-84 |
|
The suffix -ha is also a present nonproximate. |
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Grammaticalized nonvisual |
Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) |
yes |
when the speaker hears what he is referring to, but does not see it, -ro 'heard' is used in place of any other present indicator. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.85 |
|
To indicate that the information given was heard in tenses other than present, the verb root ruyu 'to be manifested' is used. |
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Grammaticalized inferential |
Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. |
yes |
The inferred past tense is used to mark a past event which the speaker infers on the basis of current evidence. Direct evidence |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.87 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Grammaticalized reportive |
Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' |
yes |
This tense is indicated by -yu 'inferred' preceding the gender-number markers. Evidence based on what another has told them, indirect/reportative. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.87 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Grammaticalized quotative |
Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.28 |
|
Direct quotes are the complements of ya/yi 'to do, say think' |
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Other evidential |
Any other evidential values not represented above |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83-88 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic |
|
yes |
The simplest form of the realis tenses is a verb stem with a tense-evidential marker followed by a suffix for gender and number. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Evidentiality: part of tense system |
Includes portmanteau morphs |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Evidentiality: separate particle |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality |
Evidentiality: modal morpheme |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Verbal number |
Verbal number suppletion |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83 |
|
|
|
Verbal Categories - Other |
Social interaction markers |
Note the type of interaction |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.83-88 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
No fixed basic constituent order |
|
no |
Regarding word order, the subject is sentence initial when first introduced or in special focus and is sentence final elsewhere. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
VS in intransitive clauses |
Verb precedes subject |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
The subject occurs before the verb only when it is in special focus or in a fozen constuction. |
|
Word Order |
VS in transitive clauses |
|
yes |
The subject need not be explicit other than to be indicated by the person and number marking on the main verb. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
VO in transitive clauses |
Verb precedes object |
no |
Trans. Clauses do not necessarily require an explicit direct object or subject. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
when the direct object is explicit, it precedes the verb. |
|
Word Order |
OS in transitive clauses |
Object precedes subject |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Preposition-Noun |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Noun-Postposition or case suffix |
|
yes |
Postpositions occur following noun phrases. They head the noun phrase and bear the phrase's case markers. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Gen-Noun |
Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Noun-Gen |
Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.61 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Adj-Noun |
Adjective precedes the noun |
yes |
The descriptive modifier generally precedes the head noun in the noun phrase. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.4 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Noun-Adj |
Adjective follows the noun |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
|
Barasano is a verb-adjective language, which is to say that there is a single set of roots which may take either regular verbal inflection and serve as predicates, or may take nominalizers/participials/classifiers and serve as modifiers in noun phrases. |
|
Word Order |
Dem-Noun |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.32 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Noun-Dem |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.32 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Num-Noun |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.59 |
|
When they occur with the head noun, they may precede or follow it. (Numerals normally occur with suffixes which generally refer to an implicit head.) |
|
Word Order |
Noun-Num |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.59 |
|
When they follow it, we contend that the head noun is topicalized or in some type of special focus. |
|
Word Order |
Noun-Rel |
Relative clause follows noun that it modifies |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
|
There seem to be no relative clauses in Barasano just as there are no relative pronouns. |
|
Word Order |
Rel-Noun |
Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies |
no |
There seem to be no relative clauses in Barasano just as there are no relative pronouns. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) |
e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Relative clause is correlative or adjoined |
e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
|
|
|
Word Order |
Question word is clause initial |
'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause |
yes |
Question-word questions begin with an interrogative pronoun. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.120 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative |
Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects |
yes |
The subject in Barasano bears no case marking whereas the object is generally marked when it is definite. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
Barasano is a nominative-accusative language. |
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative |
Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive |
Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite |
Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive |
Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative |
|
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive |
yes, no, mixed, other |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative |
Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive |
yes, no, mixed, other |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical |
Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Alignment |
Alignment of verbal person-marking: split |
More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position |
Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects |
yes |
A personal pronoun is very often a noun phrase in the subject position and is used in the noun phrase to enhance definiteness. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.31 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb |
Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb |
Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host |
Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position |
Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
The subject occurs before the verb when it is in special focus. |
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Person marking on intransitive verbs |
Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs |
Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers |
yes |
The subject need not be explicit other than to be indicated by the person and number marking on the verb. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
Transitive clauses consist of an obligatory transitive verb but do not necessarily require an explicit direct object or subject. |
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs |
Transitive verbs take object (P) markers |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects |
3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects |
3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.108 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Number can be marked separately from person on the verb |
Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.107-111 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers |
Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.111 |
|
Numerous possessive markings. |
|
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking |
Gender distinguished in verbal person markers |
For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.108-109 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice |
Ditransitive constructions: indirect object |
In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently |
yes |
Either the recipient or the patient object may occur depending on which is more in focus. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.109 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice |
Ditransitive constructions: double object |
In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.67 |
|
Causative forms of transitive verbs have two objects, both marked with -re |
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice |
Ditransitive constructions: secondary object |
In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.109 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing |
Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme |
Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.107-111 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing |
Reflexive: dedicated morpheme |
Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. |
no |
The second syllable may indicate whether or not a transitive verb is directed toward the agent (reflexive) or elsewhere. |
Jones & Jones 1991,p.46 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing |
Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme |
Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.107-111 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing |
Passive |
Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.94 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing |
Antipassive |
Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.65-72 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing |
Other intransitivizing morphology |
There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency |
yes |
The suffix -ya/-sa 'stative', may also indicate intransitivity. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.45 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Applicative: benefactive |
Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb |
yes |
-re marks the benefactee/malfactee of a verb to which -bosa (benefactive) has been suffixed. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.68 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Applicative: other |
Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.68 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Causative: prefix |
Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.101 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Causative: suffix |
Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb |
yes |
Barasano forms morphological causatives by affixing -o to the verb root. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.101 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone |
Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.101 |
|
Barasano also has lexical causative verbs derived historically from morphological causatives. |
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Causative: serial verb or analytical construction |
Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.102 |
|
The verb eka, with a causative suffix, may be preceded by various other verb roots to signify 'to cause to receive'. |
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' |
Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.101-103 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Causative: dedicated sociative |
Indicates that causer participates in event |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991,p.101-103 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing |
Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) |
There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency |
no |
|
|
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Clausal negator is a preposed element |
Clausal negator is a preposed element |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.125 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Clausal negator is a postposed element |
Clausal negator is a postposed element |
yes |
The suffix -beti is used to express standard negation. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.125 |
|
A shortened form, -be, occurs also. |
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Negatives: affix |
Negatives: affix |
yes |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.125 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Negatives: particle |
Negatives: particle |
yes |
Negative particles bẽhe (J) / bẽ (E) follows nouns, pronouns, postpositional phrases, adjectives, and adverbs. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.128 |
|
It always occurs somewhere before the verb. The scope of negation is limited to the item which it follows. |
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Negatives: auxiliary verb |
Negatives: auxiliary verb |
yes |
The negative verb bã is also used to negate nominalizations, as well as sentences, in which there is no explicit subject. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.127 |
|
The negative verb bã is also used to negate nominalizations, as well as sentences, in which there is no explicit subject. |
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Negatives: double |
Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.125 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' |
|
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.127 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Negation |
Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' |
Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase |
no |
|
Jones & Jones 1991, p.125-132 |
|
|
|
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives |
Polar questions: interrogative particle |
Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle |
yes |
The question markers are -ri, -hari, -di, -ti, one of which occurs on the main verb in both yes-no questions and question-word questions. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.115 |
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Simple Clauses - Interrogatives |
Polar questions: verb morphology |
Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.115 |
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Simple Clauses - Interrogatives |
Polar questions: word order |
Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.115 |
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Simple Clauses - Interrogatives |
Polar questions: intonation only |
Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.124 |
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The first person imperatives may function as questions when they occur with rising intonation. |
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Simple Clauses - Interrogatives |
Content questions: word order differs from declaratives |
Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.120 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Predicate adjectives: verbal |
Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position |
yes |
There is a single set of roots which may take either regular verbal inflection and serve as predicates, |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
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Barasano is a verb-adjective language. |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Predicate adjectives: nominal |
Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position |
yes |
or may take nominalizers, participials, and classifiers, and serve as modifiers in a noun phrase. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible |
Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) |
no |
A descriptive noun phrase is formed by a stative verb. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.63 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Headless relative clauses |
Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) |
no |
There seem to be no relative clauses in Barasano just as there are no relative pronouns. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause |
Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker |
It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Relativizer is a verbal affix |
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no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
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Simple Clauses - Predication |
Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer |
The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.149 |
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What might normally appear to be a relative clause is analyzed as a nominalized cluase in apposition to a noun, pronoun, proper name, or noun phrase in a subject position. |
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Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions |
Grammaticalized verbal desiderative |
Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) |
yes |
Adverbial clauses of intention are marked with -rʉa (desiderative) plus nominalizers for gender and number which agree with the subject of the main clause. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.156 |
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Simple Clauses - Other |
Clause chaining |
Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.149-160 |
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epps - check for same subject vs diff subj |
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Simple Clauses - Other |
Morphologically marked switch-reference system |
There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined |
yes |
The same-subject switch reference morphemes are the animate nominalizers, which show agreement in gender and number with the subject of the main clause. |
Jones & Jones 1991, p.138 |
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Switch reference of the subject is expressed either by overt markers or by no markers. In the second case, the construction is pragmatically interpreted by the hearer based on the lexical content of the verbs and the general context. |
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Simple Clauses - Other |
Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses |
Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence |
no |
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Jones & Jones 1991, p.141-154 |
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