Languages of hunter-gatherers and their neighbors

Wayuu

Family
Arawakan
Region
South America
ISO 639-3
guc
Location
10.23°, -71.81°
Notes
Features
Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
Data Sources
Alvarez, José. 1985. Aspects of the Phonology of Guajiro. PhD dissertation: University of Essex. Mansen, Richard A. 1967 Guajiro Phonemes. In Viola G. Waterhouse (ed.), Phonemic Systems of Colombian languages. Norman, OK: SIL International and UT Arlington Publications in Linguistics 14. Mansen, Richard A. & David Captain. 2000. El idioma Wayuu (o Guajiro). In María Stella González de Pérez and María Luisa Rodriguez de Montes (eds.) Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia: una visión descriptiva. Mansen, Karis and Mansen, Richard A. 1984. Aprendamos guajiro: Gramática pedagógica de guajiro. Lomalinda: Editorial Townsend. Olza Zubiri, Jesús, José Alvarez (commentary), Miguel Angel Jusayú. 2007. Goajiro. Intercontinental Dictionary Series, ed. Mary Ritchie Key.


Basic Vocabulary (191)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes General Notes Source
above encima, arriba acima location hau; ipɨna See Language page
and y e grammar See Language page
ash ceniza(s) cinzas environment paľiiʔi ~ paľiʔi See Language page
at en, a em, a location See Language page
back espalda costas body ta-sapɨ Also ta-sapɨ-ľɨʔɨ, lit. '1st sing.-back-in/at'. See Language page
bad mal mal quality mohu-su See Language page
belly barriga barriga body ta-ľeʔe See Language page
below abajo, debajo abaixo location wɨnapɨna Cf. 'under' 12.070. See Language page
big grande grande quality mɨľeu See Language page
black negro preto colour mɨtsia; mena-sɨ The latter is dark/dirty spots. See Language page
blood sangre sangue body išaa; ta-ša See Language page
boil/pimple espinilla, granos espinha, borbulha body hɨ-kačɨʔɨľa Occurs with the body part. See Language page
bone hueso osso body hi-ipɨ (~ hɨ-ipɨ) te-ipɨ-se means 'my bone'. See Language page
breast pecho, seno peito body ta-čir̃a See Language page
child niño, niña criança human hintɨi (~ hintɨ-ľi) Refers to male child; female is hintuľu. See Language page
cloud nube nuvem environment sir̃uma See Language page
cold frío frio quality samatɨ-sɨ See Language page
correct/true verdad, de veras verdade quality ana-sɨ See Language page
day día dia time kaʔi Also means 'sun' 01.520. See Language page
dirty sucio sujo quality yar̃ɨttɨ-sɨ See Language page
dingo/wolf fauna See Language page
dry seco seco quality hososɨ See Language page
dull/blunt sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo maçante, desamolado, não afiado quality m-asa-saľɨ See Language page
dust polvo poeira environment See Language page
ear oreja orelha body ta-čeʔe See Language page
earth/soil tierra terra environment mmoo-ľuʔu (~mma + luʔu) Also means 'floor' 07.260. See Language page
egg huevo ovo fauna [kaľina]-šuku From Span. 'gallina'. See Language page
eye ojo olho body to-ʔu (~ ta-ʔu) See 'face' 04.204. See Language page
far lejos longe quality wata See Language page
fat/grease grasa gordura body See Language page
father padre, papá pai kinship ta-ši Lit. 'my father'; also means 'father's brother' 02.512. Vocative form is taata. See Language page
feather pluma pena fauna ho-i (~ hɨ-oľi) See Language page
fire fuego fogo environment siki Also means 'firewood' 01.880. See Language page
flower flor flor environment hɨ-si See Language page
fog niebla, neblina nevoeira, bruma, neblina environment ľuuwana See Language page
fruit fruta fruta flora See Language page
good bueno bom quality anasɨ See Language page
hair (of head) cabello cabelo body waľaši Also ta-waľa to-i. See Language page
hand mano mão body ta-hapɨ See Language page
3sg el/ella ele/ela grammar See Language page
head cabeza cabeça body te-kii (~ ta-kii) See Language page
heavy pesado pesado quality hawatɨ-sɨ See Language page
how? como como grammar hamɨ-sɨ See Language page
1sg yo eu grammar ta-ya For pronouns: include bound/cliticized pronominal forms where significantly different from the free forms See Language page
if si se grammar maaka See Language page
in/inside dentro, adentro dentro location huľuʔu Cf. 'empty' 13.220. See Language page
intestines intestinos intestinos body ta-yɨľain See Language page
lake lago lago environment See Language page
leaf hoja folha environment hɨ-pana Same as 'liver' 04.450. See Language page
left/left hand izquierdo esquerdo location/body epee-r̃uu See Language page
leg/foot pierna perna body ta-saʔa See Language page
lightning rayo, relámpago relampago environment hɨ-yaa huya Means 'the flashing brilliance of the rain'; huya is 'rain' 01.750. See Language page
liver hígado figado body ta-pana Same as 'leaf' 08.560. Appears to be related to the word of Taino origin, and the place-name 'Habana'. See Language page
long largo comprido, longo quality mɨľeu See Language page
louse piollo, piojo piolho fauna mapɨi order Phtiraptera See Language page
man/male hombre homem human wayuu tooľo See Language page
meat/flesh carne carne fauna asaľa See Language page
moon luna lua environment kaši Also means 'month' 14.710. See Language page
mother madre, mamá mãe kinship te-i (~ ta-i) Lit. 'my mother'; vocative form is ma'ma. See Language page
mouth boca boca body ta-anɨkɨ See Language page
name nombre nome human anɨľia See Language page
near/close cerca de perto quality pehe See Language page
nape base del cuello, nuca nuca body ta-nut-paʔa (~ ta-nuľu-paʔa) Cf. 'neck' 04.280; -paʔa is 'area/place'. See Language page
neck cuello pescoço body ta-nuľu See Language page
new nuevo novo quality heke-či; heke-tɨ See Language page
night noche noite time hawai Means 'by night'. Also ai. See Language page
no/not no não grammar See Language page
nose nariz nariz body te-ʔiči See Language page
old viejo velho quality ľaɨľa See Language page
one uno um number wane See Language page
other otro outro grammar See Language page
pain/painful/sick dolor, doloroso, enfermo dor, doloroso, doente body ayuui-ši; ayuui-sɨ Respectively: masc. verbal form; fem. verbal form. Noun form is wanɨľɨ. See Language page
person/human being persona pessoa human wayuu A non-Indian is aľihuna; kusina is a non-Guajiro Indian. See Language page
rain lluvia chuva environment huya Also refers to 'season/year' 14.730. See Language page
red rojo vermelho colour išosɨ; iši-to-ľu See Language page
right/right hand derecha direita location/body See Language page
road/path camino caminho manufacture See Language page
root raíz raiz flora hu-r̃aľa See Language page
rotten podrido podre quality itt-ɨ-sɨ Also itt-ɨ-ši. See Language page
sand arena areia environment hasai (~hasaľi) Also mma; wɨľeši. See Language page
sharp afilado, filudo, filoso afiado quality k-asa-sɨ See Language page
short corto curto quality motsa-ši; motsa-sɨ See Language page
shoulder hombro ombro body ta-tɨna-kii Lit. 'my-arm-head' (the head of my arm) 04.310, 04.200. See Language page
shy/ashamed tímido, vergonzoso timido, com vergonha mental apɨľir̃a See Language page
skin piel pele body ta-ta Lit. 'prefix-skin'. See Language page
sky cielo céu environment ai-tuʔu Also iipɨnaa, which also means 'up' 12.080. See Language page
small pequeño pequeno quality motsa-yɨ-i; motsa-yɨ-ľɨ See Language page
smoke humo fumaça environment sik-amɨsaľa See Language page
star estrella estrela environment šɨľiwaľa See Language page
stick/wood palo pau, vara flora wunuʔu See Language page
stone piedra pedra environment ipa See Language page
tail cola, rabo rabo body hɨ-si See Language page
that ese/esa esse grammar See Language page
3pl ellos/ellas eles/elas grammar na-ya; hi-a-ir̃ua Respectively: male and female. See Language page
thick grueso, gordo, espeso grosso quality ľaɨta See Language page
thin delgado fino quality pasanua-ši; pasanua-sɨ See Language page
this este/esta este grammar See Language page
2sg xx xx grammar ni-a (~ nɨ-ya); hi-a (~ hɨ-ya) Respectively: 'he'; 'she'. See Language page
throat garganta garganta body ta-mɨľa See Language page
three tres tres number apɨnɨin See Language page
thunder truenos trovão environment atɨttaa huya (~a-tɨr̃ɨ-ta-) Also hɨ-tɨr̃ɨ-ľa huya; huya is 'rain' 01.750. See Language page
bite morder morder body o-hot-ta-a (~ a-hoľu-ta-a) See Language page
blow soplar soprar body ohuha See 04.510. See Language page
breathe respirar respirar body a-sana-ľaa-waa Lit. 'prefix-root-suffix-infinitive (length following long vowel). 'My breath' is to-huľa. See 'blow' 10.380. See Language page
burn quemar queimar environment ho-to-o Lit. 'stem + infinitive (final vowel lengthening)'. See Language page
chew masticar, mascar mastigar body akɨnɨha See Language page
climb subir subir motion aľɨka See Language page
come venir vir motion anta See Language page
cook cocinar cozinhar impact aľakahawaa See Language page
count contar contar mental ayawaha See Language page
cry llorar chorar mental ayaľahaa See Language page
cut/hack cortar cortar impact ačoto-waa Without a chopping action. ašoʔta, is with a chopping movement/action. See Language page
die/be dead morir morrer state ou-ta-a See Language page
dig cavar cavar impact apoto; apono See Language page
dream soñar sonhar mental ľapɨ See Language page
drink beber, tomar beber body asa See Language page
eat comer comer body ekaa See Language page
fall caer cair motion ohutu-waa See Language page
fear miedo medo mental amomoľia See Language page
flow fluir fluir motion apar̃aľa See Language page
fly volar voar motion awata Also means 'jump' 10.430. See Language page
grow crecer crescer state mɨľe-waa See Language page
hear oír ouvir mental apa See Language page
hide esconder esconder motion onhuľa See Language page
hit golpear, pegar bater impact ayata See Language page
hold correr, asegurar, sostener segurar other See Language page
kill matar matar impact See Language page
know/be knowledgeable saber, conecer saber, conhecer mental atɨhaa See Language page
laugh reír rir mental asɨr̃eha See Language page
lie down acostarse, echarse deitar motion otoľir̃a-waa See Language page
live/be alive vivir viver, morar body ka-ta-a oʔu Lit. 'to have skin the eye'. See Language page
open/uncover abrir abrir other ohutaľa To open the mouth, a door, a jar, etc. Also awaľa, to split open, and other forms depending on the context. See Language page
pound/beat machacar, golpear bater impact ašeeta See Language page
say decir dizer mental maa See Language page
scratch rascar rasgar impact See Language page
see ver ver mental er̃a See Language page
shoot tirar, disparar, balear atirar impact ohutaa See Language page
sit sentar(se) sentar state aikaľa-waa Also ohoʔyoľo-waa. See Language page
sleep dormir dormir body a-tunka-a See Language page
sniff/smell olfatear, oler cheirar body aaľa ehu primarily transitive See Language page
spit escupir cuspir body e-he-ta-a Lit. 'prefix-root-stem suffix-infinitive'. See Language page
split partir, dividir rachar, dividir, partir impact awakata Also awakaha. See Language page
squeeze estrujar, exprimir espremer impact ačueta See Language page
stab/pierce apuñalar, acuchillar apunhalar impact asoto See Language page
stand estar de pié ficar em pé state ašaʔwaľa-waa See Language page
steal robar roubar other aľuwahaa See Language page
suck chupar chupar body atuʔľa Also means 'kiss, suckle'. Also refers to the 'sucking' of sickness from the body by the 'piache'. Also atɨyɨɨ'ľa, refers to the babe suckling, or to sucking an orange. Also ohoʔľu'ha, refers to sucking a candy or a seed. See Language page
swell hincharse inchar body o-ur̃uľa-a Verbal form. See Language page
swim nadar nadar motion ka-tɨna Lit. 'to have arms' 04.310. See Language page
think pensar pensar mental ekir̃uhuna Indicates a thought that comes from the head; aľer̃uhuna, a thought that comes from the stomach/womb area; ainr̃uhuna a thought from the heart. See Language page
throw tirar, lanzar atirar, jogar impact ohuta Means to throw solid things; oyoto, to throw liquids; ehita, to throw small things. See Language page
tie up/fasten atar, amarrar amarrar impact ayata-waa See Language page
turn girar, volter, torcer virar other aľeyata may be transitive or intransitive See Language page
vomit vomitar vomitar body e-e-ta-a Lit. 'prefix-root-stem suffix-infinitive'. See Language page
walk caminar, andar andar motion See Language page
work trabajar trabalhar other ayata-waa See Language page
yawn bostezar bocejar body o-huhaa-waa See Language page
tongue lengua lingua body ta-yee See Language page
tooth diente dente body ta-i (~ ta-ľi) See Language page
two dos dois number piama See Language page
water agua agua environment wɨin paľaa refers to sea water. kučisa refers to rain water. See Language page
1pl.incl nosotros (inclusivo) nós (inclusivo) grammar no inclusive/exclusive distinction unless noted See Language page
1pl.excl nosotros (exclusivo) nós (exclusivo) grammar See Language page
wet mojado molhado quality čɨtsɨ; čɨľɨhisɨ Respectively: wet; wet place. Also šoušousu. See Language page
what? que, qué que grammar kasa waiu See Language page
when? cuando quando grammar ouha See Language page
where? donde onde grammar haľa ya See Language page
white blanco branco colour kasu-to-ľu; kasu-wou-ľu See Language page
who? quien, quién quem grammar har̃ai ya See Language page
wife esposa esposa kinship nu-ʔwayuu-se (~ nɨ-ʔwayuu-se) Also nier̃ɨn (~ nɨ-er̃ɨin). See Language page
wind viento vento environment houtai See Language page
wing ala asa body hɨ-tɨna Also means 'arm' 04.310. See Language page
woman/female mujer mulher human wayuu hier̃ɨ See Language page
yellow amarillo amarelo colour maľoukatɨ-sɨ See Language page
2pl ustedes vocês grammar hi-a Also hi-a-ir̃ua; pi-a-ir̃ua. See Language page
foot pie pé body to-uui See Language page
again de nuevo, otra vez de novo grammar hɨ-čikuaaya See Language page
all todo todos other hɨ-pɨšuaaľeeya See Language page
ankle tobillo tornozelo body See Language page
armpit axila, sobaco axila body ta-tɨna-ľuʔu See Language page
faeces heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol fezes body a-čii-ta-a See Language page
lung pulmón pulmão body ta-soso See Language page
sweat sudar suor, suar body ker̃a-a See Language page
itch hormiguear, sentir comezón coçar body sutu-u Verbal form. See Language page
bark corteza casca environment hɨ-ta Also means 'skin' 04.120. See Language page
fingernail uña unha body ta-patoʔu-ša See Language page
heart corazón coração body ta-aʔin See Language page
sun sol sol time kaʔi Also means 'day' 14.410. See Language page
mountain/hill montaña, colina, loma, cerro morro, serra environment uuči Hill' is wɨtai (~wɨtali). See Language page
green verde verde quality wɨitɨ-sɨ See Language page
hot caliente quente quality haisɨ; payutsɨ The latter refers to a thing. See Language page


Flora Fauna Vocabulary (133)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Linnean Name Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Range of Term Word Structure Word Structure Notes Classifier Classifier Notes Hypernym Source Association with Social Categories Ritual/Mythologically Significant Ritual Notes Food Source Food Notes Medicinal Medicinal Notes How Collected Who Collects How Prepared Psychotropic Psychotropic Notes Traded Trade Notes Distribution Habitat Dangerous Ethnobiology Notes Species Notes General Notes
bat murciélago morcego flora-fauna Chiroptera spp. pɨsiči See Language page
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna See Language page
curassow mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini) mutum flora-fauna Crax sp., Nothocrax sp. See Language page Amazonia
toucan tucán, pinsha (Peru) tucano flora-fauna Ramphastos sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
gray-winged trumpeter Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris jacamim flora-fauna Psophia crepitans See Language page Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões
guan pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru) jacu flora-fauna Penelope sp. See Language page Different types have different localized ranges
tinamou tinamu, perdiz, gallineta inambu, inhambu flora-fauna family Tinamidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
hummingbird colibrí, picaflor (Peru) beija-flor flora-fauna family Trochilidae See Language page Widespread
kingfisher martín pescador, catalan (Peru) martim-pescador flora-fauna family Alcedinidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
owl (large) búho, lechuza corujão flora-fauna order Strigiformes wonkuľunseer̃ɨ See Language page Widespread Means 'buho'. Also šoči 'lechuza'; taaľɨ; šokooin (mochuelo de hoyo); konkon (mochuelo).
macaw ara, guacamaya Arara flora-fauna family Psittacidae; Ara sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
parrot loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib) papagaio flora-fauna Amazona amazonica kaľe-kaľe See Language page Widespread Also kar̃aľa.
dove paloma pomba flora-fauna family Columbidae moʔuwa See Language page Also ir̃ɨ; hur̃or̃oľu; ir̃uui; wawači; sokor̃oi. The Guajiro perceive these as separate species.
hawk halcón, gavilán gavião flora-fauna family Accipitridae wor̃oľopai See Language page Also naai; these are the best known.
vulture buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru) urubu flora-fauna family Cathartidae samuľu See Language page Widespread South America From 'zamuro' (gallinazo). Also waľuuseeči; patahua (aura, guaro, cataneja, oripopo); anuwana (el rey zamuro de Ven.; el rey de los gallinazos de Col.).
duck pato pato, marreco flora-fauna Anatidae family See Language page
great egret Garza Blanca, Guyratî Garça-Branca-Grande flora-fauna Ardea alba See Language page Widespread South America
woodpecker pájaro carpintero, carpintero pica-pau flora-fauna family Picidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna Canis famililaris [er̃ɨ] See Language page Not native; widespread From Span. 'perro'.
dog (wild; bush dog) sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta cachorro-do-mato flora-fauna Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis See Language page Widespread Amazonia
anteater oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus tamanduá flora-fauna Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater) See Language page Widespread Amazonian lowlands
armadillo armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo) tatu flora-fauna family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri See Language page Widespread in Amazonia
sloth pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru) macaco preguica flora-fauna Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
alligator, black caiman babilla; cachirre jacaré flora-fauna Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp. See Language page Throughout Amazonia Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
electric eel anguila eléctrica poraquê flora-fauna Electrophorus electricus See Language page
fish (generic) pez peixe flora-fauna hime See Language page
pacu fish palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru) pacu flora-fauna Mylossoma sp. See Language page
pirana piraña, caribe piranha flora-fauna subfamily Serrasalmidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
tigerfish taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru) traíra flora-fauna Hoplias sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
mandi catfish maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish) mandi flora-fauna Auchenipterus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
speckled catfish surubí, pintadillo surubim, sorubim flora-fauna Pseudoplatystoma sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
toad sapo sapo flora-fauna order Anura See Language page
iguana iguana, garipiares (Colombia) camaleão flora-fauna Iguana sp. See Language page iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
small lizard lagartija calango flora-fauna order Squamata kuľu See Language page Also wašaľɨ.
stingray (generic) rayas látigo, raya arraia flora-fauna Potamotrygon sp. atša See Language page
crab cangrejo caranguejo flora-fauna infraorder Brachyura hórolo (Captain2005) See Language page
anaconda anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande sucuri flora-fauna genus Eunectes See Language page Widespread Amazonia
boa boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura jiboia flora-fauna family Boidae, subf. Boinae See Language page
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna wɨi (~ wɨľi) See Language page Cf. 'earthworm' 03.840.
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara jararaca flora-fauna Bothrops jararaca/atrox See Language page Widespread South America
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant) tortuga, morrocoy, motelo jabutí, tartaruga flora-fauna Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria saʔwainr̃ɨ See Language page Widespread Refers to the sea turtle. Also moľokoono which is the 'morrocoy'.
Amazon dolphin bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco) boto cor-de-rosa flora-fauna Inia geoffrensis hiotsa See Language page Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls
mushroom champiñón, hongo cogumelo flora-fauna (any edible generic) See Language page prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
black palm bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá bacaba flora-fauna Oenocarpus bacaba See Language page Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
açai palm huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia) açaí flora-fauna Euterpe sp. See Language page floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia
miriti palm moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti buriti flora-fauna Mauritia flexuosa See Language page Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps trunks contain sago-like starch
palm for roof thatch pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná caraná flora-fauna Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana See Language page Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests palm
paxiuba palm pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba paxiuba flora-fauna Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea See Language page Widespread Amazonia palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol) pupunha flora-fauna Bactris gasipaes See Language page
seje palm ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá patoá, patuá flora-fauna Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua See Language page mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
coca coca coca flora-fauna Erythroxylum coca See Language page secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes plant
cotton algodón algodão flora-fauna Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers) mawɨi See Language page secondary scrub vegetation plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
kapok ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.) sumaumeira flora-fauna Ceiba pentandra See Language page northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas tree
hot pepper ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru) pimenta flora-fauna Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens haši See Language page secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden plant
peanut maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete amendoim flora-fauna Arachis hypogaea See Language page plant
pineapple piña abacaxi flora-fauna Ananas comosus See Language page plant
arrow cane, wildcane caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio flora-fauna Gynerium sagittatum See Language page tropical regions, especially river banks plant
banana, plantain banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano banana flora-fauna Musa sp. hi-r̃a; hɨ-hɨ See Language page Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
beans frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas) feijão flora-fauna Phaseolus spp. kepešuna See Language page plant
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna (generic) wɨitši See Language page
maize, corn mazorca, maiz milho flora-fauna Zea mays maiki See Language page widespread, esp. in river floodplains plant
tobacco tabaco tabaco flora-fauna Nicotiana tabacum yɨi See Language page Refers to the tobacco plant. ta-ima is the ration of tobacco.
tree árbol arvore flora-fauna huu-uľia wɨr̃aiči See Language page
achiote, anatto achiote urucum flora-fauna Bixa orellana See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens shrub
inga guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru) inga flora-fauna Inga spp. See Language page Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia)
avocado palta, aguacate abacate flora-fauna Persea americana See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree
bitterwood tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru) envira flora-fauna Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala See Language page secondary forests, native to Brazil tree
brazil nut castaña castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis) flora-fauna Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia'] See Language page 1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua. tree
cashew anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela) caju flora-fauna Anacardium occidentale / giganteum See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
genipap jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico genipapo, jenipapo flora-fauna Genipapa americana See Language page widespread lowland SA shrub
japurá oreja de murcielago japurá flora-fauna Erisma japura See Language page large tree
rubber tree (sorva) caucho, siringa, shiringa seringa, borracha flora-fauna Hevea sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia tree
ucuqui yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru) ucuqui flora-fauna Pouteria ucuqui See Language page native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
Amazon tree-grape uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.) cucura flora-fauna Pourouma cecropiifolia See Language page grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times a tree; not a true grape
manioc (bitter or generic) yuca brava mandioca flora-fauna Manihot esculenta See Language page not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition. Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet) yuca, caribe macaxeira flora-fauna Manihot esculenta See Language page Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
potato papa batata flora-fauna Solanum tuberosum See Language page secondary scrub vegetation compare entries for sweet potato
potato, sweet potato camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara batata-doce flora-fauna Ipomoea batatas [pɨľaana] See Language page From Span. 'plátano', refers to the large cooking banana. Also [kuneya], from Span. 'guineo'; [pir̃ua], from Span. 'filudo' (called 'topocho' in Caracas).
cará tuber, purple or white camote, sachapapa cará roxo, branco flora-fauna Dioscorea sp. See Language page secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings plant
tannia, yautia huitina (Peru), ñame taioba branca flora-fauna Xanthosoma spp. haiši See Language page Related to the Taino 'age'.
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree) calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara cabaça flora-fauna Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine) ai See Language page indigenous gardens Means 'yuca dulce'. Also tutkaľa, large variety of 'yuca brava'; wayamaľa, medium-sized 'yuca brava'; and sawainr̃ɨ-ľee, lit. 'stomach of the sea turtle', small variety of 'yuca brava'. The 'bagazo (residue)' is šokoľo, for which see 'bend' 09.140.
squash calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru) abóbora flora-fauna Cucurbita sp. amuľu See Language page plant
cipó vine tamishi, bejuco, yare cipó flora-fauna Heteropsis spp. See Language page secondary forest, floodplain vine
fish poison, barbasco barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó flora-fauna Lonchocarpus spp. [kaɲer̃uši] See Language page secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation From Span. 'caña dulce'.
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca ayahuasca, yage ayahuasca, caapi flora-fauna Banisteriopsis caapi See Language page semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW vine
hallucinogenic snuff vilca, cebil, yopo paricá, yopo flora-fauna Anadenanthera sp. or virola See Language page
insect (generic) insecto insecto flora-fauna generic See Language page
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna Formicidae heyu See Language page The 'bachaco' ant is huye; also šaatɨi.
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro tocandira flora-fauna Paraponera clavata See Language page
leaf-cutter ant Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse saúva flora-fauna Atta sp. See Language page
honeybee abeja abelha flora-fauna Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis mapa See Language page See 'honey' 05.840.
cockroach cucaracha barata-do-mato flora-fauna order Blattaria kanser̃ai (~ kanser̃aľi) See Language page
firefly, lightning bug lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin) vagalume flora-fauna fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae kenaa See Language page Refers to the 'cocuyo'.
butterfly, moth mariposa borboleta flora-fauna order Lepidoptera huľir̃ɨ See Language page
moth mariposa nocturna, polilla mariposa flora-fauna order Lepidoptera See Language page
angleworm lombriz minhoca flora-fauna order Opisthopora wɨľiuuna See Language page Cf. 'snake' 03.850.
centipede ciempiés centopéia flora-fauna class Chilopoda hasipa See Language page Refers to 'escolopendra gigante'; hekuuľe is 'congolocho'.
scorpion escorpión; alacran escorpião flora-fauna order Scorpiones heyuľu See Language page
cicada cigarra, chicharra cigarra flora-fauna super fam. Cicadoidea See Language page
flea pulga pulga flora-fauna order Siphonaptera hayapa See Language page
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna Diptera hir̃apɨ See Language page A small fly; a medium-sized fly is hayumɨľer̃ɨ; large fly is mer̃ɨi ~ mer̃ɨľe.
cricket saltón, grillo grilo flora-fauna family Gryllidae See Language page
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil) suri, mojojoy larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá flora-fauna Rhynchophorus sp. See Language page
praying mantis, stick insects mantis religiosa louva-a-deus flora-fauna order Mantodea, family Mantidae See Language page
mosquito mosquito, zancudo mosquito, carapana flora-fauna Anopheles sp. mei (~ meľi) See Language page
termites, white-ants comején (Peru), termitas cupim flora-fauna order Isoptera See Language page
tick garrapata carrapato flora-fauna superfam Ixodoidea See Language page
wasp avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa caba flora-fauna order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita See Language page
snail caracol, churo (Peru) caracol flora-fauna class Gastropoda See Language page
spider araña aranha flora-fauna Arachnidae, Araneae aľeker̃ɨ See Language page
jaguar yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru) onca flora-fauna Panthera onca See Language page
manatee vaca marina, manatí peixe-boi flora-fauna Trichechus sp. See Language page
brown woolly monkey Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt macaco barrigudo flora-fauna Lagothrix lagothricha See Language page
howler monkey (red-handed) mono aullador, mono coto (Peru) guariba flora-fauna Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.] See Language page
tufted capuchin monkey mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero macaco prego flora-fauna Cebus apella See Language page
white-fronted capuchin Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru) Caiarara flora-fauna Cebus albifrons See Language page
white-fronted spider monkey Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia) macaco aranha, coatá, quatá flora-fauna Ateles belzebuth/paniscus See Language page
opossum zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo mucura flora-fauna family Didelphidae kačapouľu See Language page
giant otter Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria ariranha flora-fauna Pteronura brasiliensis See Language page
neotropical otter (small) Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia) lontra flora-fauna Lontra longicaudis See Language page
collared peccary sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar caititu, caetitu flora-fauna Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu See Language page
white-lipped peccary Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana queixada flora-fauna Tayassu pecari See Language page
porcupine puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru) cuandu, porco-espinho flora-fauna family Erethizontidae See Language page
cotamundi, coatimundi Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache quati flora-fauna genus Nasua See Language page
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti) Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado cutia flora-fauna Dasyprocta spp. See Language page
capybara Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco capivara flora-fauna Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris See Language page
green acouchi Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo cutiara flora-fauna Myoprocta pratti See Language page
paca (lowland) Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana) paca flora-fauna Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.) See Language page
mouse, rat ratón camundongo, rata flora-fauna Mus musculus kookoočeʔer̃ɨ See Language page Means 'mouse'; 'rat' is pusuwar̃aľɨ.
squirrel ardilla, danta (Ven) serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo flora-fauna family Sciuridae See Language page
tapir sachavaca, danta anta flora-fauna Tapirus terrestris See Language page
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus ir̃ama See Language page Refers to a large deer with horns; yama is larger and heavier; mašuľainr̃ɨ is lighter weight; wɨyaľa is the 'matacán'.
horse caballo cavalho flora-fauna Equus caballus See Language page


Cultural Vocabulary (97)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes Word Structure Word Structure Notes General Notes Source
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material See Language page
basket, small canasta, canasto, cesta cesto pequeno, tampado culture-material See Language page
bead abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar miçanga culture-material aüliijana aüliihana See Language page
bed cama cama culture-material to-uľa Means 'my bed/pad'. Also sɨi, 'chinchorro (net)'; and hamaa 'hammock'. See Language page
hammock hamaca, chinchorro rede culture-material See Language page
bench, seat banco, silla, asiento banco culture-material ta-yupaľa Also tuľu, stool made of tree trunk. See Language page
canoe canoa canoa transport anuwa Used for all water vessels. Related to Span. 'canoa', from Taino, also of the Arawakan family. See Language page
drum (large signal) tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia) tambor culture Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances See Language page
drum tambor tambor culture-mythology [kaša] From Span. 'caja' (box). See Language page
shaman, healer chamán, brujo xaman, pajé, feiticeiro culture-mythology In RN region, there is typically one person per village (if that) who is a full-fledged 'shaman'. He is very much a specialist and has considerable power to cure, as well as power to curse. He is respected and feared. Shamans are thought to turn themselv See Language page
healer curandero benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano) culture-mythology Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well. See Language page
broom escoba vassoura culture-material te-pitahia See Language page
clothing ropa roupa culture-mythology ta-šeein See Language page
fence, palisade cerco cerca other kuľaľa Also puuľu, made of branches piled up. See Language page
firewood leña lenha other siki Also means 'fire' 01.810. See Language page
Curupira (spirit type) Curupira, Madremonte Curupira culture-mythology malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology yoľuhaa See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure dios(es), deidad divinidade, figura mítica culture-mythology maľeiwa In RN region, frequently translates as 'Bone-Son', 'One on the bone', etc. See Language page
flute flauta, quena (Peru) flauta culture-mythology totohi; masi; sawawa multiple types? japurutu, deer-bone, etc. See Language page
panpipe carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora caniço, flauta de pã culture-mythology See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making canoa para chicha cocho de caxiri narcotics See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya) kapiwaya capiwaya culture-mythology See Language page
knife cuchillo faca culture-material r̃ɨi; ta-r̃ɨľia See Language page
machete machete facão culture-material See Language page
axe/stone axe hacha (de piedra) machado (de pedra) subsistence tool poľu especially for clearing fields See Language page
arrow flecha flecha subsistence tool hatɨ; siwar̃ai; kaľepɨsɨ The second form refers to metal arrow, 'doble filo'; latter refers to metal a. in form of fishhook. Arrows are labeled according to shape and use. Also ir̃amaouwa, has a ring made of horn around the point; kočompakir̃ɨ, 'de cabeza abultada y roma' general See Language page
spear lanza lança subsistence tool See Language page
bow arco arco subsistence tool wɨr̃aiči Refers to curaré. See Language page
paddle/oar remo remo transport See Language page
plate plato prato culture-material See Language page
pot olla, pote panela, vasilha subsistence tool wušu; tot-se See Language page
basin/bowl tazón, plato hondo, taza tijela culture-material See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru) forno para beiju subsistence tool agriculture? See Language page
rattle matraca, maraca marico, chocalho culture-mythology isira, iʃira (Captain05) See Language page
resin resina, brea, copal resina, brea, breu subsistence tool See Language page
wax cera cera other mapa-se mapa is 'bee'. See Language page
honey miel mel food mapa Also means 'bee' 03.820. Also hɨ-nain mapa. See Language page
stone for lighting fires piedra para hacer fuego pedra para acender fogo culture-material See Language page
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture ehita-waa See Language page
tattoo tatuaje, tatu tatuagem culture-mythology See Language page
thatch/roof crisneja palha, caraná culture-material See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women) yurupari jurupari culture-mythology a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women. See Language page
fetish, charm fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga feitiço, puçanga culture-mythology See Language page
feather headdress plumaje, corona de plumas enfeite/capacete de penas culture-mythology See Language page
paint body, body paint pintura corporal pintura corporal culture-mythology See Language page
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven tierra do los muertos terra dos mortos culture-mythology See Language page
school escuela escola acculturation See Language page
bottle botella garrafa acculturation See Language page
paper papel papel acculturation [kar̃aľouta] Perhaps from Span. 'carta'. See Language page
dream sueño, soñar sonho, sonhar culture-mythology ľapɨ See Language page
chicken gallina galinha acculturation [kaľiina]-čon From Span. 'gallina' + diminutive. See Language page
grave tumba, sepultura, sepulcro sepultura, sepulcro, cova culture-mythology See Language page
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other See Language page
sugarcane/sugar azúcar, caña de azúcar açucar (de cana) acculturation wɨir̃ɨ See Language page
skirt falda, saya, fustan, pollera saia culture-material See Language page
shoes zapatos sapatos dress See Language page
policeman polícia policía acculturation See Language page
soldier soldado soldado acculturation See Language page
cat gato gato acculturation [muusa] Similar form occurs all over South America. See Language page
gun arma, escopeta espingarda, fusil acculturation aapɨľa; katkousu; čir̃ɨ The second form is a large weapon, perhaps from Span. 'arcabuz'; the latter is a cannon, perhaps from Span. 'tiro'. See Language page
hat sombero chapéu dress uomu Also ta-kuoma. See Language page
chief/leader jefe, cacique chefe culture-mythology See Language page
club garrote, cachiporra clava, porrete subsistence tool See Language page
loincloth taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla tanga, tapa-sexo dress See Language page
fireplace hogar lareira other See Language page
fishing line cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze linha de pesca subsistence tool See Language page
salt sal sal food iči See Language page
song (generic) canción, canto canção culture-mythology eir̃ɨha See Language page
blowgun cerbatana, pucuna (Peru) zarabatana subsistence tool currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region See Language page
dart (blowgun) dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru) dardo, seta subsistence tool hunting and warfare See Language page
fan abanico abanador, abano subsistence tool ta-wawahia esp. for fanning a cooking fire See Language page
fish (with line) anzuelear, pescar con linea pescar (com linha) food See Language page
fish (with fish-poison) pescar con barbasco, barbasquear pescar com timbó; tinguijar food See Language page
hunt cazar caçar food oľohoo See Language page
game animal caza, animal de caza caça, animal de caça food mɨr̃ɨľɨ Refers to domestic; kasa; and wɨčii refer to 'wild animal'. See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl) cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo cuia subsistence tool See Language page
grater rallador, rallo ralador, ralo subsistence tool esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf) barbacoa jirau subsistence tool See Language page
mortar mortero pilão subsistence tool ipa ta-moľo-hia Possibly from Span. 'moler'. See Language page
pestle pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor mão de pilão subsistence tool iper̃a See Language page
fermented drink masato, chicha caxiri, chicha culture prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made See Language page
flour/meal from manioc fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina farinha food sawa agriculture See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe beiju food usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits See Language page
starch (tapioca, other) almidón goma de tapioca food See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau cahuana, caguana mingau food agriculture See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer) tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca tipiti food word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc See Language page
tripod for washing manioc trípode tripé subsistence tool agriculture See Language page
venom for darts, poison veneno curare subsistence tool hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?) See Language page
woven strainer/sieve colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru) peneira, cumatá subsistence tool agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour See Language page
bait for fishing cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru) isca subsistence tool can refer to worms; more generic See Language page
fishtrap trampa de peces, trampa matapi, cacuri subsistence tool See Language page
bottom grinding stone manufacture if different word from top grinding stone See Language page
digging stick subsistence tool See Language page
top grinding stone metate, mano; piedra de moler metate, mano manufacture use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic) subsistence tool See Language page
spearthrower subsistence tool See Language page
house other piči; miči Also te-pia; ta-pɨya, related to Span. 'bohío', loanword from Taino. See Language page


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Grammatical Notes Source Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Pre-/post-nasalized stops Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. no Alvarez, José (1985). Aspects of the Phonology of Guajiro. PhD dissertation: University of Essex: p. 35
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] no Only /ʔ/ and /h/. Alvarez, 1985: p. 35
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast no Alvarez, 1985: p. 35
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? yes Alvarez, 1985: p. 40
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels no Alvarez, 1985: p. 25
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme no Alvarez, 1985: p. 78
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] no Alvarez, 1985: p. 78
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? no Mansen (1967) gives examples of coda-less words. Mansen, Richard A. 1967 "Guajiro Phonemes" In Viola G. Waterhouse (ed.) Phonemic Systems of Colombian languages. Norman, OK: SIL International and UT Arlington Publications in Linguistics 14: p. 49
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones yes 2 tones. Phonemic 'stress' (one syllable per word, so primary stress) is realized with high pitch more than with intensity. Mansen, 1967: p. 49
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? yes Pitch-accent, but stress is described as 'phonemic.' Mansen, 1967: p. 56
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments no Nasalization spreads from nasal stops to vowels, but it doesn't seem to be a 'property' of a syllable/morpheme. Also, doesn't seem to be phonemic. Mansen, 1967: p. 58, Mansen, Richard A. and Karis Mansen. (1984). Aprendamos Guajiro. SIL
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? yes All the words derived from eeju 'to smell' have nasalization all across the word, but nasalization isn't phonemic. Mansen, 1967: p. 58, Mansen, Richard A. and Karis Mansen. (1984). Aprendamos Guajiro. SIL
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony yes Alvarez, 1985: p. 165; Mansen, Richard A. & David Captain. (2000). "El idioma Wayuu (o Guajiro)" In María Stella González de Pérez and María Luisa Rodriguez de Montes (eds.) Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia: una visión descriptiva: p. 798
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] yes The person marking suffixes vary depending on the tense/aspect of the verb, although tense/aspect may be marked with additional morphemes as well. Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800-801
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone no Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800-801
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800-801
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no Mansen & Captain, 2000: 798-801
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: 798-801
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Mansen & Captain, 2000: 798-801
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated no info
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated no info
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced yes There does seem to be compounding, but not clear how productive it is. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection no info
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word not clear Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there is verb "compounding" but the examples they give do not have multiple roots, they are roots plus things like causatives, etc. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' yes There are several auxiliaries. One of these, calucaa, is said to have a “verbalizing function” for non-verbs. Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 256
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs yes Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 256
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment no The verb template does not include a slot for incorporated elements. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns no The template for verbs does not include a slot for incorporated elements. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP yes masculine/non-masculine, and plural. The non-masculine seems to be the 'unmarked' form, marking inanimates and even things like 'ancestors.' Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796-797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders 3 Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. no Sometimes two or more nouns can link up, but the first noun is more generic and the nouns that follow specify the referent. There is only one example--there are three words for 'people,' (guajiro, non-guajiro indigenous, and indigenous), and the following Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter yes Masculine vs. non-masculine Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates no All examples of inanimates get singular, non-masculine marking. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human yes Animates are marked for gender, inanimates are all singular non-masculine. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only yes No other pronouns are marked for gender, although gender is a category elsewhere. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates n/a Does not appear to be a noun classifier system. Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796-800
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun yes Plural may also be marked with the 'definite article,' -kana, which is affixed to the noun. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic no
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only no Examples of inanimates with plural marking. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns no Plural pronouns are suppletive. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797-798
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only yes Not sure whether these are definite or specific. Mansen & Captain, p. 797
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness yes Demonstratives are separate words, definite articles are suffixed to the noun or the verb in a relative clause. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797, 799
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker yes This is a reduced form of the numeral 'one.' Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system 4 Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix no info
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients yes Indirect object is marked, subject and object are not. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 13 Mansen & Captain note that the case suffixes can occur attached to the noun, but in some cases (in relative or passive clauses), they may be detached. Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are no Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) yes No indication that there are restrictions on the type of entity to which a case marker can attach. Many examples are of inanimates. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Mansen & Captain (2000) note that case is usually marked with a suffix, but, on rare occasions, most of the case markers can be free words as well. They can be cliticized to either a personal prefix or the noun. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 no Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 yes Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' no Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no No tense/aspect inflection on the examples given, but it's not explicit. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival yes There is no person inflection on the predicate in equational clauses. However, there does seem to be person marking on the predicate in relational clauses. Both relational and equational clauses use non-verbal predicates. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities n/a No classifiers. Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) yes These are only used on noun roots that are not considered inherently posessed in order to make them a possessed root. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form yes “Possessed” suffixes are used to make a possessive stem, but only on nouns that aren't considered inherently possessed. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father yes Body parts and kin terms are “possessed nouns.” (Presumably inalienably possessed). Captain, David and Linda Captain. 2005. Diccionario Básico Ilustrado: Wayuunaiki-Español Español-Wayuunaiki. Bogotá: Editorial Fundación para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg yes Captain, David and Linda Captain. 2005. Diccionario Básico Ilustrado: Wayuunaiki-Español Español-Wayuunaiki. Bogotá: Editorial Fundación para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) yes Mansen and Captain (2000) note that nouns can “concatenate,” where the first can be a noun that identifies a referent (when it's a human), the race of the person follows. Examples are “wayuu viejo,” and “wayuu señorita,” to mean something like “el viejo” Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 798
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes yes They are rare. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco no Only one glossed example in the section on adjectives--this doesn't have any sort of gender marking. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb no info No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns. Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb no info No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns. Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb no info No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns. Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective no The particle calacá is used with a verbalizing capacity with non-verbs. Perhaps this is better described as a light verb, since it's called a “verb auxiliary” and used with a verbalizing function?? Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 801, Mansen & Mansen 1976: p. 155
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' yes No mention of coordination in Mansen and Captain (2000). There are several dictionary entries for “y” in the (2005) dictionary. To conjoin sentences only o'ulacaa is used for sentence-level conjunction, suggesting the others can be used for NP coordinatio Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800, Captain & Captain 2005, Mansen & Mansen 1976: p. 182
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere yes Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past yes Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there is a general/unmarked past/present tense, a remote past, and an immediate past (perfect?). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses no info No description of the structure of imperatives (or negative imperatives) in any source.
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion no info
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject yes Mansen and Captain (2000) identify a basic word order, but do not distinguish between intranstives and transitives (or ditransitives). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order VS in transitive clauses yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order Preposition-Noun no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Noun-Dem no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Num-Noun yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order Noun-Num no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes The examples of content questions in the text in Mansen & Mansen (1979) have the question word clause-initially. Mansen & Mansen (1979).
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects n/a No case marking on subject/object NPs. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative n/a No case marking on pronouns in subject/object position. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive n/a Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other yes From Mansen & Captain (2000), it seems as though the gender-marking suffixes are used for S and O, while prefixes are used for A. Sometimes, the O may be understood, and the verb still gets a prefix. They note that 'the form of the verb with a personal pr Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p.
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects yes No distinction between pronominal subjects and subjects that are full NPs in the sentence structure given in Mansen and Captain (2000). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) yes Pronominal subjects can be indicated with either prefixes or suffixes on the verb (for both transitives and intransitives). Suffixes only distinguish gender, not person, but there is no other indication that these are adjectives (not verbs). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) yes Pronominal subjects can be indicated with either prefixes or suffixes on the verb (for both transitives and intransitives). Suffixes only distinguish gender, not person, but there is no other indication that these are adjectives (not verbs). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no There are free pronouns and verbal prefixes. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no No distinction between pronominal subjects and subjects that are full NPs in the sentence structure given in Mansen and Captain (2000). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes yes The argument of an intransitive is marked on the verb with a suffix (the same set of suffixes used for O). Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers yes Verbal prefixes mark the subject, suffixes mark object. There are examples of transitive verbs with person marking, no indication of whether person marking is less common on transitives. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers yes Verbal suffixes mark objects. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Third-person objects are marked in a number of different ways, depending on the tense/aspect of the verb. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately no There are several different sets of person markers. The subject markers have suppletive plural forms. The object markers distinguish the three noun classes-masculine, non-masculine, and plural. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 801
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently yes The 'indirect object' (recipient) gets a case marker. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. yes Unclear: there is a morpheme -ira which is identified as a “reciprocal.” No discussion of whether this can also be used for reflexives (or what is used for reflexives.
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. no Unclear: there is a morpheme -ira which is identified as a “reciprocal.” No discussion of whether this can also be used for reflexives (or what is used for reflexives, but since there is no separate reflexive morpheme pointed out, I assume there is no suc
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb no Unclear: there is a morpheme -ira which is identified as a “reciprocal.” No discussion of whether this can also be used for reflexives (or what is used for reflexives, but I assume that it is only a reciprocal marker.
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p.801, 804
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb yes Not mentioned in Mansen & Captain (2000), but Mansen & Mansen (1984) mention a suffix that derives 'flee' from 'to go,' and 'drink x' from 'drink.' There are some verbs that seem to have this morpheme, but no corresponding simple verb, so it may be some s Mansen & Mansen (1984), p. 17; Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb yes Mansen & Captain (2000) say that the verb noholaa means 'no ser, no estar, no haber.' This verb takes person marking (in the unmarked, 'general' tense), which, interestingly, are different than those that attach to regular verbs. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' no The regular negative verb can have the meaning 'no haber,' as well as 'no ser' or 'no estar.' Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase no info
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle no The polar questions in Mansen & Mansen (1979) do not have a special interrogative particle. Mansen & Mansen 1979
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology no Although the polar questions in Mansen & Mansen (1979) have the same word order as declaratives, the morphoogical breakdown is not shown. However, there are morphological templates for verbs, none of which show a slot for a “question” morpheme. Mansen & Mansen (1979), Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no In the text in Mansen and Mansen (1979), polar questions follow the normal Guajiro VSO order. Mansen, Richard and Karis Mansen. (1979). Couyatalima: Texto de Guajiro. In Estudios de Guajiro, Ruth Monterroso (ed.). Lomalinda, Colombia: ILV
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only yes In the text in Mansen and Mansen (1979), polar questions follow the normal Guajiro VSO order. Mansen & Mansen (1979).
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) yes In the text in Mansen and Mansen (1979), all examples of content questions have preposed question words.
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position no Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there are few true adjectives, most are stative verbs. However, they lump together numerals and adjectives. There is one example of a numeral in a predicate--this acts like a noun, rather than a verb. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position yes Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there are few true adjectives, most are stative verbs. However, they lump together numerals and adjectives. There is one example of a numeral in a predicate--this acts like a noun, rather than a verb. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) yes Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. no Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause yes Examples of relative clauses have class markers on the relativized verbs. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix yes The description in Mansen and Captain (2000) says that the 'definite article' (=gender agreement marker?) is suffixed to the verb in the relative clause. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) no The relativizer is homophonous with gender markers/'definite articles'. Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) yes Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. yes Mansen and Mansen (1976) do not discuss this as clause chaining explicitly, but they describe a "simple sentence" as a nucleus plus one or more temporal, logical, or temporal-logical margins, which are marked with same/different subject particles, while t Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 166-172, Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined yes There are particles that do switch-reference and also marks the difference between concurrent and sequential clauses. Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 166-172, Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence yes There are particles that do switch-reference and also marks the difference between concurrent and sequential clauses. Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 166-172, Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 804