Hunter-Gatherer Language Database

Wayuu

Family: Arawakan
Region: South America
ISO 639-3: guc
Location: 10.23°, -71.81°
Notes
Features: Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data

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Data Sources: Alvarez, José. 1985. Aspects of the Phonology of Guajiro. PhD dissertation: University of Essex. Mansen, Richard A. 1967 Guajiro Phonemes. In Viola G. Waterhouse (ed.), Phonemic Systems of Colombian languages. Norman, OK: SIL International and UT Arlington Publications in Linguistics 14. Mansen, Richard A. & David Captain. 2000. El idioma Wayuu (o Guajiro). In María Stella González de Pérez and María Luisa Rodriguez de Montes (eds.) Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia: una visión descriptiva. Mansen, Karis and Mansen, Richard A. 1984. Aprendamos guajiro: Gramática pedagógica de guajiro. Lomalinda: Editorial Townsend. Olza Zubiri, Jesús, José Alvarez (commentary), Miguel Angel Jusayú. 2007. Goajiro. Intercontinental Dictionary Series, ed. Mary Ritchie Key.

Basic Vocabulary (191)

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English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Part of Speech	Orthographic Form	Phonemicized Form	Gloss as in Source	Etymology Code	Proto-Form	Proto-Language	Loan Source	Wanderwort Status	Etyma Set	Etymology Notes	General Notes	Source

English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Phonemicized Form	General Notes	Source
1pl.excl	nosotros (exclusivo)	nós (exclusivo)	grammar			See Language page
1pl.incl	nosotros (inclusivo)	nós (inclusivo)	grammar		no inclusive/exclusive distinction unless noted	See Language page
1sg	yo	eu	grammar	ta-ya	For pronouns: include bound/cliticized pronominal forms where significantly different from the free forms	See Language page
2pl	ustedes	vocês	grammar	hi-a	Also hi-a-ir̃ua; pi-a-ir̃ua.	See Language page
2sg	xx	xx	grammar	ni-a (~ nɨ-ya); hi-a (~ hɨ-ya)	Respectively: 'he'; 'she'.	See Language page
3pl	ellos/ellas	eles/elas	grammar	na-ya; hi-a-ir̃ua	Respectively: male and female.	See Language page
3sg	el/ella	ele/ela	grammar			See Language page
above	encima, arriba	acima	location	hau; ipɨna		See Language page
again	de nuevo, otra vez	de novo	grammar	hɨ-čikuaaya		See Language page
all	todo	todos	other	hɨ-pɨšuaaľeeya		See Language page
and	y	e	grammar			See Language page
ankle	tobillo	tornozelo	body			See Language page
armpit	axila, sobaco	axila	body	ta-tɨna-ľuʔu		See Language page
ash	ceniza(s)	cinzas	environment	paľiiʔi ~ paľiʔi		See Language page
at	en, a	em, a	location			See Language page
back	espalda	costas	body	ta-sapɨ	Also ta-sapɨ-ľɨʔɨ, lit. '1st sing.-back-in/at'.	See Language page
bad	mal	mal	quality	mohu-su		See Language page
bark	corteza	casca	environment	hɨ-ta	Also means 'skin' 04.120.	See Language page
belly	barriga	barriga	body	ta-ľeʔe		See Language page
below	abajo, debajo	abaixo	location	wɨnapɨna	Cf. 'under' 12.070.	See Language page
big	grande	grande	quality	mɨľeu		See Language page
bite	morder	morder	body	o-hot-ta-a (~ a-hoľu-ta-a)		See Language page
black	negro	preto	colour	mɨtsia; mena-sɨ	The latter is dark/dirty spots.	See Language page
blood	sangre	sangue	body	išaa; ta-ša		See Language page
blow	soplar	soprar	body	ohuha	See 04.510.	See Language page
boil/pimple	espinilla, granos	espinha, borbulha	body	hɨ-kačɨʔɨľa	Occurs with the body part.	See Language page
bone	hueso	osso	body	hi-ipɨ (~ hɨ-ipɨ)	te-ipɨ-se means 'my bone'.	See Language page
breast	pecho, seno	peito	body	ta-čir̃a		See Language page
breathe	respirar	respirar	body	a-sana-ľaa-waa	Lit. 'prefix-root-suffix-infinitive (length following long vowel). 'My breath' is to-huľa. See 'blow' 10.380.	See Language page
burn	quemar	queimar	environment	ho-to-o	Lit. 'stem + infinitive (final vowel lengthening)'.	See Language page
chew	masticar, mascar	mastigar	body	akɨnɨha		See Language page
child	niño, niña	criança	human	hintɨi (~ hintɨ-ľi)	Refers to male child; female is hintuľu.	See Language page
climb	subir	subir	motion	aľɨka		See Language page
cloud	nube	nuvem	environment	sir̃uma		See Language page
cold	frío	frio	quality	samatɨ-sɨ		See Language page
come	venir	vir	motion	anta		See Language page
cook	cocinar	cozinhar	impact	aľakahawaa		See Language page
correct/true	verdad, de veras	verdade	quality	ana-sɨ		See Language page
count	contar	contar	mental	ayawaha		See Language page
cry	llorar	chorar	mental	ayaľahaa		See Language page
cut/hack	cortar	cortar	impact	ačoto-waa	Without a chopping action. ašoʔta, is with a chopping movement/action.	See Language page
day	día	dia	time	kaʔi	Also means 'sun' 01.520.	See Language page
die/be dead	morir	morrer	state	ou-ta-a		See Language page
dig	cavar	cavar	impact	apoto; apono		See Language page
dingo/wolf			fauna			See Language page
dirty	sucio	sujo	quality	yar̃ɨttɨ-sɨ		See Language page
dream	soñar	sonhar	mental	ľapɨ		See Language page
drink	beber, tomar	beber	body	asa		See Language page
dry	seco	seco	quality	hososɨ		See Language page
dull/blunt	sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo	maçante, desamolado, não afiado	quality	m-asa-saľɨ		See Language page
dust	polvo	poeira	environment			See Language page
ear	oreja	orelha	body	ta-čeʔe		See Language page
earth/soil	tierra	terra	environment	mmoo-ľuʔu (~mma + luʔu)	Also means 'floor' 07.260.	See Language page
eat	comer	comer	body	ekaa		See Language page
egg	huevo	ovo	fauna	[kaľina]-šuku	From Span. 'gallina'.	See Language page
eye	ojo	olho	body	to-ʔu (~ ta-ʔu)	See 'face' 04.204.	See Language page
faeces	heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol	fezes	body	a-čii-ta-a		See Language page
fall	caer	cair	motion	ohutu-waa		See Language page
far	lejos	longe	quality	wata		See Language page
fat/grease	grasa	gordura	body			See Language page
father	padre, papá	pai	kinship	ta-ši	Lit. 'my father'; also means 'father's brother' 02.512. Vocative form is taata.	See Language page
fear	miedo	medo	mental	amomoľia		See Language page
feather	pluma	pena	fauna	ho-i (~ hɨ-oľi)		See Language page
fingernail	uña	unha	body	ta-patoʔu-ša		See Language page
fire	fuego	fogo	environment	siki	Also means 'firewood' 01.880.	See Language page
flow	fluir	fluir	motion	apar̃aľa		See Language page
flower	flor	flor	environment	hɨ-si		See Language page
fly	volar	voar	motion	awata	Also means 'jump' 10.430.	See Language page
fog	niebla, neblina	nevoeira, bruma, neblina	environment	ľuuwana		See Language page
foot	pie	pé	body	to-uui		See Language page
fruit	fruta	fruta	flora			See Language page
good	bueno	bom	quality	anasɨ		See Language page
green	verde	verde	quality	wɨitɨ-sɨ		See Language page
grow	crecer	crescer	state	mɨľe-waa		See Language page
hair (of head)	cabello	cabelo	body	waľaši	Also ta-waľa to-i.	See Language page
hand	mano	mão	body	ta-hapɨ		See Language page
head	cabeza	cabeça	body	te-kii (~ ta-kii)		See Language page
hear	oír	ouvir	mental	apa		See Language page
heart	corazón	coração	body	ta-aʔin		See Language page
heavy	pesado	pesado	quality	hawatɨ-sɨ		See Language page
hide	esconder	esconder	motion	onhuľa		See Language page
hit	golpear, pegar	bater	impact	ayata		See Language page
hold	correr, asegurar, sostener	segurar	other			See Language page
hot	caliente	quente	quality	haisɨ; payutsɨ	The latter refers to a thing.	See Language page
how?	como	como	grammar	hamɨ-sɨ		See Language page
if	si	se	grammar	maaka		See Language page
in/inside	dentro, adentro	dentro	location	huľuʔu	Cf. 'empty' 13.220.	See Language page
intestines	intestinos	intestinos	body	ta-yɨľain		See Language page
itch	hormiguear, sentir comezón	coçar	body	sutu-u	Verbal form.	See Language page
kill	matar	matar	impact			See Language page
know/be knowledgeable	saber, conecer	saber, conhecer	mental	atɨhaa		See Language page
lake	lago	lago	environment			See Language page
laugh	reír	rir	mental	asɨr̃eha		See Language page
leaf	hoja	folha	environment	hɨ-pana	Same as 'liver' 04.450.	See Language page
left/left hand	izquierdo	esquerdo	location/body	epee-r̃uu		See Language page
leg/foot	pierna	perna	body	ta-saʔa		See Language page
lie down	acostarse, echarse	deitar	motion	otoľir̃a-waa		See Language page
lightning	rayo, relámpago	relampago	environment	hɨ-yaa huya	Means 'the flashing brilliance of the rain'; huya is 'rain' 01.750.	See Language page
live/be alive	vivir	viver, morar	body	ka-ta-a oʔu	Lit. 'to have skin the eye'.	See Language page
liver	hígado	figado	body	ta-pana	Same as 'leaf' 08.560. Appears to be related to the word of Taino origin, and the place-name 'Habana'.	See Language page
long	largo	comprido, longo	quality	mɨľeu		See Language page
louse	piollo, piojo	piolho	fauna	mapɨi	order Phtiraptera	See Language page
lung	pulmón	pulmão	body	ta-soso		See Language page
man/male	hombre	homem	human	wayuu tooľo		See Language page
meat/flesh	carne	carne	fauna	asaľa		See Language page
moon	luna	lua	environment	kaši	Also means 'month' 14.710.	See Language page
mother	madre, mamá	mãe	kinship	te-i (~ ta-i)	Lit. 'my mother'; vocative form is ma'ma.	See Language page
mountain/hill	montaña, colina, loma, cerro	morro, serra	environment	uuči	Hill' is wɨtai (~wɨtali).	See Language page
mouth	boca	boca	body	ta-anɨkɨ		See Language page
name	nombre	nome	human	anɨľia		See Language page
nape	base del cuello, nuca	nuca	body	ta-nut-paʔa (~ ta-nuľu-paʔa)	Cf. 'neck' 04.280; -paʔa is 'area/place'.	See Language page
near/close	cerca de	perto	quality	pehe		See Language page
neck	cuello	pescoço	body	ta-nuľu		See Language page
new	nuevo	novo	quality	heke-či; heke-tɨ		See Language page
night	noche	noite	time	hawai	Means 'by night'. Also ai.	See Language page
no/not	no	não	grammar			See Language page
nose	nariz	nariz	body	te-ʔiči		See Language page
old	viejo	velho	quality	ľaɨľa		See Language page
one	uno	um	number	wane		See Language page
open/uncover	abrir	abrir	other	ohutaľa	To open the mouth, a door, a jar, etc. Also awaľa, to split open, and other forms depending on the context.	See Language page
other	otro	outro	grammar			See Language page
pain/painful/sick	dolor, doloroso, enfermo	dor, doloroso, doente	body	ayuui-ši; ayuui-sɨ	Respectively: masc. verbal form; fem. verbal form. Noun form is wanɨľɨ.	See Language page
person/human being	persona	pessoa	human	wayuu	A non-Indian is aľihuna; kusina is a non-Guajiro Indian.	See Language page
pound/beat	machacar, golpear	bater	impact	ašeeta		See Language page
rain	lluvia	chuva	environment	huya	Also refers to 'season/year' 14.730.	See Language page
red	rojo	vermelho	colour	išosɨ; iši-to-ľu		See Language page
right/right hand	derecha	direita	location/body			See Language page
road/path	camino	caminho	manufacture			See Language page
root	raíz	raiz	flora	hu-r̃aľa		See Language page
rotten	podrido	podre	quality	itt-ɨ-sɨ	Also itt-ɨ-ši.	See Language page
sand	arena	areia	environment	hasai (~hasaľi)	Also mma; wɨľeši.	See Language page
say	decir	dizer	mental	maa		See Language page
scratch	rascar	rasgar	impact			See Language page
see	ver	ver	mental	er̃a		See Language page
sharp	afilado, filudo, filoso	afiado	quality	k-asa-sɨ		See Language page
shoot	tirar, disparar, balear	atirar	impact	ohutaa		See Language page
short	corto	curto	quality	motsa-ši; motsa-sɨ		See Language page
shoulder	hombro	ombro	body	ta-tɨna-kii	Lit. 'my-arm-head' (the head of my arm) 04.310, 04.200.	See Language page
shy/ashamed	tímido, vergonzoso	timido, com vergonha	mental	apɨľir̃a		See Language page
sit	sentar(se)	sentar	state	aikaľa-waa	Also ohoʔyoľo-waa.	See Language page
skin	piel	pele	body	ta-ta	Lit. 'prefix-skin'.	See Language page
sky	cielo	céu	environment	ai-tuʔu	Also iipɨnaa, which also means 'up' 12.080.	See Language page
sleep	dormir	dormir	body	a-tunka-a		See Language page
small	pequeño	pequeno	quality	motsa-yɨ-i; motsa-yɨ-ľɨ		See Language page
smoke	humo	fumaça	environment	sik-amɨsaľa		See Language page
sniff/smell	olfatear, oler	cheirar	body	aaľa ehu	primarily transitive	See Language page
spit	escupir	cuspir	body	e-he-ta-a	Lit. 'prefix-root-stem suffix-infinitive'.	See Language page
split	partir, dividir	rachar, dividir, partir	impact	awakata	Also awakaha.	See Language page
squeeze	estrujar, exprimir	espremer	impact	ačueta		See Language page
stab/pierce	apuñalar, acuchillar	apunhalar	impact	asoto		See Language page
stand	estar de pié	ficar em pé	state	ašaʔwaľa-waa		See Language page
star	estrella	estrela	environment	šɨľiwaľa		See Language page
steal	robar	roubar	other	aľuwahaa		See Language page
stick/wood	palo	pau, vara	flora	wunuʔu		See Language page
stone	piedra	pedra	environment	ipa		See Language page
suck	chupar	chupar	body	atuʔľa	Also means 'kiss, suckle'. Also refers to the 'sucking' of sickness from the body by the 'piache'. Also atɨyɨɨ'ľa, refers to the babe suckling, or to sucking an orange. Also ohoʔľu'ha, refers to sucking a candy or a seed.	See Language page
sun	sol	sol	time	kaʔi	Also means 'day' 14.410.	See Language page
sweat	sudar	suor, suar	body	ker̃a-a		See Language page
swell	hincharse	inchar	body	o-ur̃uľa-a	Verbal form.	See Language page
swim	nadar	nadar	motion	ka-tɨna	Lit. 'to have arms' 04.310.	See Language page
tail	cola, rabo	rabo	body	hɨ-si		See Language page
that	ese/esa	esse	grammar			See Language page
thick	grueso, gordo, espeso	grosso	quality	ľaɨta		See Language page
thin	delgado	fino	quality	pasanua-ši; pasanua-sɨ		See Language page
think	pensar	pensar	mental	ekir̃uhuna	Indicates a thought that comes from the head; aľer̃uhuna, a thought that comes from the stomach/womb area; ainr̃uhuna a thought from the heart.	See Language page
this	este/esta	este	grammar			See Language page
three	tres	tres	number	apɨnɨin		See Language page
throat	garganta	garganta	body	ta-mɨľa		See Language page
throw	tirar, lanzar	atirar, jogar	impact	ohuta	Means to throw solid things; oyoto, to throw liquids; ehita, to throw small things.	See Language page
thunder	truenos	trovão	environment	atɨttaa huya (~a-tɨr̃ɨ-ta-)	Also hɨ-tɨr̃ɨ-ľa huya; huya is 'rain' 01.750.	See Language page
tie up/fasten	atar, amarrar	amarrar	impact	ayata-waa		See Language page
tongue	lengua	lingua	body	ta-yee		See Language page
tooth	diente	dente	body	ta-i (~ ta-ľi)		See Language page
turn	girar, volter, torcer	virar	other	aľeyata	may be transitive or intransitive	See Language page
two	dos	dois	number	piama		See Language page
vomit	vomitar	vomitar	body	e-e-ta-a	Lit. 'prefix-root-stem suffix-infinitive'.	See Language page
walk	caminar, andar	andar	motion			See Language page
water	agua	agua	environment	wɨin	paľaa refers to sea water. kučisa refers to rain water.	See Language page
wet	mojado	molhado	quality	čɨtsɨ; čɨľɨhisɨ	Respectively: wet; wet place. Also šoušousu.	See Language page
what?	que, qué	que	grammar	kasa waiu		See Language page
when?	cuando	quando	grammar	ouha		See Language page
where?	donde	onde	grammar	haľa ya		See Language page
white	blanco	branco	colour	kasu-to-ľu; kasu-wou-ľu		See Language page
who?	quien, quién	quem	grammar	har̃ai ya		See Language page
wife	esposa	esposa	kinship	nu-ʔwayuu-se (~ nɨ-ʔwayuu-se)	Also nier̃ɨn (~ nɨ-er̃ɨin).	See Language page
wind	viento	vento	environment	houtai		See Language page
wing	ala	asa	body	hɨ-tɨna	Also means 'arm' 04.310.	See Language page
woman/female	mujer	mulher	human	wayuu hier̃ɨ		See Language page
work	trabajar	trabalhar	other	ayata-waa		See Language page
yawn	bostezar	bocejar	body	o-huhaa-waa		See Language page
yellow	amarillo	amarelo	colour	maľoukatɨ-sɨ		See Language page


1pl.excl
1pl.incl
1sg
2pl
2sg
3pl
3sg
above
again
all
and
ankle
armpit
ash
at
back
bad
bark
belly
below
big
bite
black
blood
blow
boil/pimple
bone
breast
breathe
burn
chew
child
climb
cloud
cold
come
cook
correct/true
count
cry
cut/hack
day
die/be dead
dig
dingo/wolf
dirty
dream
drink
dry
dull/blunt
dust
ear
earth/soil
eat
egg
eye
faeces
fall
far
fat/grease
father
fear
feather
fingernail
fire
flow
flower
fly
fog
foot
fruit
good
green
grow
hair (of head)
hand
head
hear
heart
heavy
hide
hit
hold
hot
how?
if
in/inside
intestines
itch
kill
know/be knowledgeable
lake
laugh
leaf
left/left hand
leg/foot
lie down
lightning
live/be alive
liver
long
louse
lung
man/male
meat/flesh
moon
mother
mountain/hill
mouth
name
nape
near/close
neck
new
night
no/not
nose
old
one
open/uncover
other
pain/painful/sick
person/human being
pound/beat
rain
red
right/right hand
road/path
root
rotten
sand
say
scratch
see
sharp
shoot
short
shoulder
shy/ashamed
sit
skin
sky
sleep
small
smoke
sniff/smell
spit
split
squeeze
stab/pierce
stand
star
steal
stick/wood
stone
suck
sun
sweat
swell
swim
tail
that
thick
thin
think
this
three
throat
throw
thunder
tie up/fasten
tongue
tooth
turn
two
vomit
walk
water
wet
what?
when?
where?
white
who?
wife
wind
wing
woman/female
work
yawn
yellow

Showing 1 to 191 of 191 entries

Flora Fauna Vocabulary (133)

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English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Part of Speech	Linnean Name	Orthographic Form	Phonemicized Form	Gloss as in Source	Etymology Code	Proto-Form	Proto-Language	Loan Source	Etymology Notes	Wanderwort Status	Etyma Set	Range of Term	Word Structure	Word Structure Notes	Classifier	Classifier Notes	Hypernym	Source	Association with Social Categories	Ritual/Mythologically Significant	Ritual Notes	Food Source	Food Notes	Medicinal	Medicinal Notes	How Collected	Who Collects	How Prepared	Psychotropic	Psychotropic Notes	Traded	Trade Notes	Distribution	Habitat	Dangerous	Ethnobiology Notes	Species Notes	General Notes

English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Linnean Name	Phonemicized Form	Source	Distribution	General Notes
achiote, anatto	achiote	urucum	flora-fauna	Bixa orellana		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens	shrub
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti)	Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado	cutia	flora-fauna	Dasyprocta spp.		See Language page
alligator, black caiman	babilla; cachirre	jacaré	flora-fauna	Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp.		See Language page	Throughout Amazonia	Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
Amazon dolphin	bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco)	boto cor-de-rosa	flora-fauna	Inia geoffrensis	hiotsa	See Language page	Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls
Amazon tree-grape	uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.)	cucura	flora-fauna	Pourouma cecropiifolia		See Language page	grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times	a tree; not a true grape
anaconda	anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande	sucuri	flora-fauna	genus Eunectes		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
angleworm	lombriz	minhoca	flora-fauna	order Opisthopora	wɨľiuuna	See Language page		Cf. 'snake' 03.850.
ant (generic)	hormiga	formiga	flora-fauna	Formicidae	heyu	See Language page		The 'bachaco' ant is huye; also šaatɨi.
anteater	oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus	tamanduá	flora-fauna	Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater)		See Language page	Widespread Amazonian lowlands
armadillo	armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo)	tatu	flora-fauna	family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri		See Language page	Widespread in Amazonia
arrow cane, wildcane	caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana	cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio	flora-fauna	Gynerium sagittatum		See Language page	tropical regions, especially river banks	plant
avocado	palta, aguacate	abacate	flora-fauna	Persea americana		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens	tree
açai palm	huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia)	açaí	flora-fauna	Euterpe sp.		See Language page	floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia
banana, plantain	banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano	banana	flora-fauna	Musa sp.	hi-r̃a; hɨ-hɨ	See Language page		Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
bat	murciélago	morcego	flora-fauna	Chiroptera spp.	pɨsiči	See Language page
beans	frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas)	feijão	flora-fauna	Phaseolus spp.	kepešuna	See Language page		plant
bird	pajaro, ave	passaro	flora-fauna			See Language page
bitterwood	tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru)	envira	flora-fauna	Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala		See Language page	secondary forests, native to Brazil	tree
black palm	bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá	bacaba	flora-fauna	Oenocarpus bacaba		See Language page	Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon	may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
blowfly/housefly	mosca	mosca	flora-fauna	Diptera	hir̃apɨ	See Language page		A small fly; a medium-sized fly is hayumɨľer̃ɨ; large fly is mer̃ɨi ~ mer̃ɨľe.
boa	boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura	jiboia	flora-fauna	family Boidae, subf. Boinae		See Language page
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree)	calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara	cabaça	flora-fauna	Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine)	ai	See Language page	indigenous gardens	Means 'yuca dulce'. Also tutkaľa, large variety of 'yuca brava'; wayamaľa, medium-sized 'yuca brava'; and sawainr̃ɨ-ľee, lit. 'stomach of the sea turtle', small variety of 'yuca brava'. The 'bagazo (residue)' is šokoľo, for which see 'bend' 09.140.
brazil nut	castaña	castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis)	flora-fauna	Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia']		See Language page	1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua.	tree
brown woolly monkey	Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt	macaco barrigudo	flora-fauna	Lagothrix lagothricha		See Language page
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant	conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro	tocandira	flora-fauna	Paraponera clavata		See Language page
butterfly, moth	mariposa	borboleta	flora-fauna	order Lepidoptera	huľir̃ɨ	See Language page
capybara	Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco	capivara	flora-fauna	Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris		See Language page
cará tuber, purple or white	camote, sachapapa	cará roxo, branco	flora-fauna	Dioscorea sp.		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings	plant
cashew	anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela)	caju	flora-fauna	Anacardium occidentale / giganteum		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens	tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
centipede	ciempiés	centopéia	flora-fauna	class Chilopoda	hasipa	See Language page		Refers to 'escolopendra gigante'; hekuuľe is 'congolocho'.
cicada	cigarra, chicharra	cigarra	flora-fauna	super fam. Cicadoidea		See Language page
cipó vine	tamishi, bejuco, yare	cipó	flora-fauna	Heteropsis spp.		See Language page	secondary forest, floodplain	vine
coca	coca	coca	flora-fauna	Erythroxylum coca		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes	plant
cockroach	cucaracha	barata-do-mato	flora-fauna	order Blattaria	kanser̃ai (~ kanser̃aľi)	See Language page
collared peccary	sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar	caititu, caetitu	flora-fauna	Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu		See Language page
cotamundi, coatimundi	Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache	quati	flora-fauna	genus Nasua		See Language page
cotton	algodón	algodão	flora-fauna	Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers)	mawɨi	See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation	plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
crab	cangrejo	caranguejo	flora-fauna	infraorder Brachyura	hórolo (Captain2005)	See Language page
cricket	saltón, grillo	grilo	flora-fauna	family Gryllidae		See Language page
curassow	mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini)	mutum	flora-fauna	Crax sp., Nothocrax sp.		See Language page	Amazonia
deer	venado	veado, cariacu	flora-fauna	family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus	ir̃ama	See Language page		Refers to a large deer with horns; yama is larger and heavier; mašuľainr̃ɨ is lighter weight; wɨyaľa is the 'matacán'.
dog (camp, domestic)	perro	cachorro	flora-fauna	Canis famililaris	[er̃ɨ]	See Language page	Not native; widespread	From Span. 'perro'.
dog (wild; bush dog)	sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta	cachorro-do-mato	flora-fauna	Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
dove	paloma	pomba	flora-fauna	family Columbidae	moʔuwa	See Language page		Also ir̃ɨ; hur̃or̃oľu; ir̃uui; wawači; sokor̃oi. The Guajiro perceive these as separate species.
duck	pato	pato, marreco	flora-fauna	Anatidae family		See Language page
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil)	suri, mojojoy	larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá	flora-fauna	Rhynchophorus sp.		See Language page
electric eel	anguila eléctrica	poraquê	flora-fauna	Electrophorus electricus		See Language page
firefly, lightning bug	lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin)	vagalume	flora-fauna	fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae	kenaa	See Language page		Refers to the 'cocuyo'.
fish (generic)	pez	peixe	flora-fauna		hime	See Language page
fish poison, barbasco	barbasco, matapez (Colombia)	timbó	flora-fauna	Lonchocarpus spp.	[kaɲer̃uši]	See Language page	secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation	From Span. 'caña dulce'.
flea	pulga	pulga	flora-fauna	order Siphonaptera	hayapa	See Language page
genipap	jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico	genipapo, jenipapo	flora-fauna	Genipapa americana		See Language page	widespread lowland SA	shrub
giant otter	Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria	ariranha	flora-fauna	Pteronura brasiliensis		See Language page
grass	hierba, pasto	capim, grama	flora-fauna	(generic)	wɨitši	See Language page
gray-winged trumpeter	Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris	jacamim	flora-fauna	Psophia crepitans		See Language page	Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões
great egret	Garza Blanca, Guyratî	Garça-Branca-Grande	flora-fauna	Ardea alba		See Language page	Widespread South America
green acouchi	Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo	cutiara	flora-fauna	Myoprocta pratti		See Language page
guan	pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru)	jacu	flora-fauna	Penelope sp.		See Language page	Different types have different localized ranges
hallucinogenic snuff	vilca, cebil, yopo	paricá, yopo	flora-fauna	Anadenanthera sp. or virola		See Language page
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca	ayahuasca, yage	ayahuasca, caapi	flora-fauna	Banisteriopsis caapi		See Language page	semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW	vine
hawk	halcón, gavilán	gavião	flora-fauna	family Accipitridae	wor̃oľopai	See Language page		Also naai; these are the best known.
honeybee	abeja	abelha	flora-fauna	Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis	mapa	See Language page		See 'honey' 05.840.
horse	caballo	cavalho	flora-fauna	Equus caballus		See Language page
hot pepper	ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru)	pimenta	flora-fauna	Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens	haši	See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden	plant
howler monkey (red-handed)	mono aullador, mono coto (Peru)	guariba	flora-fauna	Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.]		See Language page
hummingbird	colibrí, picaflor (Peru)	beija-flor	flora-fauna	family Trochilidae		See Language page	Widespread
iguana	iguana, garipiares (Colombia)	camaleão	flora-fauna	Iguana sp.		See Language page		iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
inga	guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru)	inga	flora-fauna	Inga spp.		See Language page	Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia)
insect (generic)	insecto	insecto	flora-fauna	generic		See Language page
jaguar	yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru)	onca	flora-fauna	Panthera onca		See Language page
japurá	oreja de murcielago	japurá	flora-fauna	Erisma japura		See Language page		large tree
kapok	ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.)	sumaumeira	flora-fauna	Ceiba pentandra		See Language page	northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas	tree
kingfisher	martín pescador, catalan (Peru)	martim-pescador	flora-fauna	family Alcedinidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
leaf-cutter ant	Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse	saúva	flora-fauna	Atta sp.		See Language page
macaw	ara, guacamaya	Arara	flora-fauna	family Psittacidae; Ara sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
maize, corn	mazorca, maiz	milho	flora-fauna	Zea mays	maiki	See Language page	widespread, esp. in river floodplains	plant
manatee	vaca marina, manatí	peixe-boi	flora-fauna	Trichechus sp.		See Language page
mandi catfish	maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish)	mandi	flora-fauna	Auchenipterus sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
manioc (bitter or generic)	yuca brava	mandioca	flora-fauna	Manihot esculenta		See Language page	not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition.	Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet)	yuca, caribe	macaxeira	flora-fauna	Manihot esculenta		See Language page	Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere	No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
miriti palm	moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti	buriti	flora-fauna	Mauritia flexuosa		See Language page	Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps	trunks contain sago-like starch
mosquito	mosquito, zancudo	mosquito, carapana	flora-fauna	Anopheles sp.	mei (~ meľi)	See Language page
moth	mariposa nocturna, polilla	mariposa	flora-fauna	order Lepidoptera		See Language page
mouse, rat	ratón	camundongo, rata	flora-fauna	Mus musculus	kookoočeʔer̃ɨ	See Language page		Means 'mouse'; 'rat' is pusuwar̃aľɨ.
mushroom	champiñón, hongo	cogumelo	flora-fauna	(any edible generic)		See Language page		prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
neotropical otter (small)	Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia)	lontra	flora-fauna	Lontra longicaudis		See Language page
opossum	zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo	mucura	flora-fauna	family Didelphidae	kačapouľu	See Language page
owl (large)	búho, lechuza	corujão	flora-fauna	order Strigiformes	wonkuľunseer̃ɨ	See Language page	Widespread	Means 'buho'. Also šoči 'lechuza'; taaľɨ; šokooin (mochuelo de hoyo); konkon (mochuelo).
paca (lowland)	Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana)	paca	flora-fauna	Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.)		See Language page
pacu fish	palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru)	pacu	flora-fauna	Mylossoma sp.		See Language page
palm for roof thatch	pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná	caraná	flora-fauna	Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana		See Language page	Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests	palm
parrot	loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib)	papagaio	flora-fauna	Amazona amazonica	kaľe-kaľe	See Language page	Widespread	Also kar̃aľa.
paxiuba palm	pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba	paxiuba	flora-fauna	Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia	palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm	chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol)	pupunha	flora-fauna	Bactris gasipaes		See Language page
peanut	maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete	amendoim	flora-fauna	Arachis hypogaea		See Language page		plant
pineapple	piña	abacaxi	flora-fauna	Ananas comosus		See Language page		plant
pirana	piraña, caribe	piranha	flora-fauna	subfamily Serrasalmidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
porcupine	puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru)	cuandu, porco-espinho	flora-fauna	family Erethizontidae		See Language page
potato	papa	batata	flora-fauna	Solanum tuberosum		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation	compare entries for sweet potato
potato, sweet potato	camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara	batata-doce	flora-fauna	Ipomoea batatas	[pɨľaana]	See Language page		From Span. 'plátano', refers to the large cooking banana. Also [kuneya], from Span. 'guineo'; [pir̃ua], from Span. 'filudo' (called 'topocho' in Caracas).
praying mantis, stick insects	mantis religiosa	louva-a-deus	flora-fauna	order Mantodea, family Mantidae		See Language page
rubber tree (sorva)	caucho, siringa, shiringa	seringa, borracha	flora-fauna	Hevea sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia	tree
scorpion	escorpión; alacran	escorpião	flora-fauna	order Scorpiones	heyuľu	See Language page
seje palm	ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá	patoá, patuá	flora-fauna	Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua		See Language page	mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia	may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
sloth	pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru)	macaco preguica	flora-fauna	Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
small lizard	lagartija	calango	flora-fauna	order Squamata	kuľu	See Language page		Also wašaľɨ.
snail	caracol, churo (Peru)	caracol	flora-fauna	class Gastropoda		See Language page
snake (generic)	culebra, serpiente	cobra	flora-fauna		wɨi (~ wɨľi)	See Language page		Cf. 'earthworm' 03.840.
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake	víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara	jararaca	flora-fauna	Bothrops jararaca/atrox		See Language page	Widespread South America
speckled catfish	surubí, pintadillo	surubim, sorubim	flora-fauna	Pseudoplatystoma sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
spider	araña	aranha	flora-fauna	Arachnidae, Araneae	aľeker̃ɨ	See Language page
squash	calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru)	abóbora	flora-fauna	Cucurbita sp.	amuľu	See Language page		plant
squirrel	ardilla, danta (Ven)	serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo	flora-fauna	family Sciuridae		See Language page
stingray (generic)	rayas látigo, raya	arraia	flora-fauna	Potamotrygon sp.	atša	See Language page
tannia, yautia	huitina (Peru), ñame	taioba branca	flora-fauna	Xanthosoma spp.	haiši	See Language page		Related to the Taino 'age'.
tapir	sachavaca, danta	anta	flora-fauna	Tapirus terrestris		See Language page
termites, white-ants	comején (Peru), termitas	cupim	flora-fauna	order Isoptera		See Language page
tick	garrapata	carrapato	flora-fauna	superfam Ixodoidea		See Language page
tigerfish	taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru)	traíra	flora-fauna	Hoplias sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
tinamou	tinamu, perdiz, gallineta	inambu, inhambu	flora-fauna	family Tinamidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
toad	sapo	sapo	flora-fauna	order Anura		See Language page
tobacco	tabaco	tabaco	flora-fauna	Nicotiana tabacum	yɨi	See Language page		Refers to the tobacco plant. ta-ima is the ration of tobacco.
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant)	tortuga, morrocoy, motelo	jabutí, tartaruga	flora-fauna	Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria	saʔwainr̃ɨ	See Language page	Widespread	Refers to the sea turtle. Also moľokoono which is the 'morrocoy'.
toucan	tucán, pinsha (Peru)	tucano	flora-fauna	Ramphastos sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
tree	árbol	arvore	flora-fauna		huu-uľia wɨr̃aiči	See Language page
tufted capuchin monkey	mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero	macaco prego	flora-fauna	Cebus apella		See Language page
ucuqui	yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru)	ucuqui	flora-fauna	Pouteria ucuqui		See Language page	native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions	other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
vulture	buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru)	urubu	flora-fauna	family Cathartidae	samuľu	See Language page	Widespread South America	From 'zamuro' (gallinazo). Also waľuuseeči; patahua (aura, guaro, cataneja, oripopo); anuwana (el rey zamuro de Ven.; el rey de los gallinazos de Col.).
wasp	avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa	caba	flora-fauna	order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita		See Language page
white-fronted capuchin	Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru)	Caiarara	flora-fauna	Cebus albifrons		See Language page
white-fronted spider monkey	Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia)	macaco aranha, coatá, quatá	flora-fauna	Ateles belzebuth/paniscus		See Language page
white-lipped peccary	Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana	queixada	flora-fauna	Tayassu pecari		See Language page
woodpecker	pájaro carpintero, carpintero	pica-pau	flora-fauna	family Picidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia

Showing 1 to 133 of 133 entries

Cultural Vocabulary (97)

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English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Part of Speech	Orthographic Form	Phonemicized Form	Gloss as in Source	Etymology Code	Proto-Form	Proto-Language	Loan Source	Wanderwort Status	Etyma Set	Etymology Notes	Word Structure	Word Structure Notes	General Notes	Source

English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Phonemicized Form	General Notes	Source
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven	tierra do los muertos	terra dos mortos	culture-mythology			See Language page
arrow	flecha	flecha	subsistence tool	hatɨ; siwar̃ai; kaľepɨsɨ	The second form refers to metal arrow, 'doble filo'; latter refers to metal a. in form of fishhook. Arrows are labeled according to shape and use. Also ir̃amaouwa, has a ring made of horn around the point; kočompakir̃ɨ, 'de cabeza abultada y roma' general	See Language page
axe/stone axe	hacha (de piedra)	machado (de pedra)	subsistence tool	poľu	especially for clearing fields	See Language page
bait for fishing	cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru)	isca	subsistence tool		can refer to worms; more generic	See Language page
basin/bowl	tazón, plato hondo, taza	tijela	culture-material			See Language page
basket (general)	canasta, canasto, cesta	cesto	culture-material			See Language page
basket, small	canasta, canasto, cesta	cesto pequeno, tampado	culture-material			See Language page
bead	abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar	miçanga	culture-material	aüliijana	aüliihana	See Language page
bed	cama	cama	culture-material	to-uľa	Means 'my bed/pad'. Also sɨi, 'chinchorro (net)'; and hamaa 'hammock'.	See Language page
bench, seat	banco, silla, asiento	banco	culture-material	ta-yupaľa	Also tuľu, stool made of tree trunk.	See Language page
blowgun	cerbatana, pucuna (Peru)	zarabatana	subsistence tool		currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region	See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic)			subsistence tool			See Language page
bottle	botella	garrafa	acculturation			See Language page
bottom grinding stone			manufacture		if different word from top grinding stone	See Language page
bow	arco	arco	subsistence tool	wɨr̃aiči	Refers to curaré.	See Language page
broom	escoba	vassoura	culture-material	te-pitahia		See Language page
canoe	canoa	canoa	transport	anuwa	Used for all water vessels. Related to Span. 'canoa', from Taino, also of the Arawakan family.	See Language page
cat	gato	gato	acculturation	[muusa]	Similar form occurs all over South America.	See Language page
chicken	gallina	galinha	acculturation	[kaľiina]-čon	From Span. 'gallina' + diminutive.	See Language page
chief/leader	jefe, cacique	chefe	culture-mythology			See Language page
clothing	ropa	roupa	culture-mythology	ta-šeein		See Language page
club	garrote, cachiporra	clava, porrete	subsistence tool			See Language page
Curupira (spirit type)	Curupira, Madremonte	Curupira	culture-mythology		malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region	See Language page
dart (blowgun)	dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru)	dardo, seta	subsistence tool		hunting and warfare	See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure	dios(es), deidad	divinidade, figura mítica	culture-mythology	maľeiwa	In RN region, frequently translates as 'Bone-Son', 'One on the bone', etc.	See Language page
digging stick			subsistence tool			See Language page
dream	sueño, soñar	sonho, sonhar	culture-mythology	ľapɨ		See Language page
drum	tambor	tambor	culture-mythology	[kaša]	From Span. 'caja' (box).	See Language page
drum (large signal)	tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia)	tambor	culture		Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances	See Language page
fan	abanico	abanador, abano	subsistence tool	ta-wawahia	esp. for fanning a cooking fire	See Language page
feather headdress	plumaje, corona de plumas	enfeite/capacete de penas	culture-mythology			See Language page
fence, palisade	cerco	cerca	other	kuľaľa	Also puuľu, made of branches piled up.	See Language page
fermented drink	masato, chicha	caxiri, chicha	culture		prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made	See Language page
fetish, charm	fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga	feitiço, puçanga	culture-mythology			See Language page
fireplace	hogar	lareira	other			See Language page
firewood	leña	lenha	other	siki	Also means 'fire' 01.810.	See Language page
fish (with fish-poison)	pescar con barbasco, barbasquear	pescar com timbó; tinguijar	food			See Language page
fish (with line)	anzuelear, pescar con linea	pescar (com linha)	food			See Language page
fishing line	cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze	linha de pesca	subsistence tool			See Language page
fishtrap	trampa de peces, trampa	matapi, cacuri	subsistence tool			See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread	pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe	beiju	food		usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits	See Language page
flour/meal from manioc	fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina	farinha	food	sawa	agriculture	See Language page
flute	flauta, quena (Peru)	flauta	culture-mythology	totohi; masi; sawawa	multiple types? japurutu, deer-bone, etc.	See Language page
game animal	caza, animal de caza	caça, animal de caça	food	mɨr̃ɨľɨ	Refers to domestic; kasa; and wɨčii refer to 'wild animal'.	See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit	espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio	espirito	culture-mythology	yoľuhaa		See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl)	cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo	cuia	subsistence tool			See Language page
grater	rallador, rallo	ralador, ralo	subsistence tool		esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well	See Language page
grave	tumba, sepultura, sepulcro	sepultura, sepulcro, cova	culture-mythology			See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf)	barbacoa	jirau	subsistence tool			See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread	tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru)	forno para beiju	subsistence tool		agriculture?	See Language page
gun	arma, escopeta	espingarda, fusil	acculturation	aapɨľa; katkousu; čir̃ɨ	The second form is a large weapon, perhaps from Span. 'arcabuz'; the latter is a cannon, perhaps from Span. 'tiro'.	See Language page
hammock	hamaca, chinchorro	rede	culture-material			See Language page
hat	sombero	chapéu	dress	uomu	Also ta-kuoma.	See Language page
healer	curandero	benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano)	culture-mythology		Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well.	See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making	canoa para chicha	cocho de caxiri	narcotics			See Language page
honey	miel	mel	food	mapa	Also means 'bee' 03.820. Also hɨ-nain mapa.	See Language page
house			other	piči; miči	Also te-pia; ta-pɨya, related to Span. 'bohío', loanword from Taino.	See Language page
hunt	cazar	caçar	food	oľohoo		See Language page
knife	cuchillo	faca	culture-material	r̃ɨi; ta-r̃ɨľia		See Language page
loincloth	taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla	tanga, tapa-sexo	dress			See Language page
machete	machete	facão	culture-material			See Language page
mortar	mortero	pilão	subsistence tool	ipa ta-moľo-hia	Possibly from Span. 'moler'.	See Language page
paddle/oar	remo	remo	transport			See Language page
paint body, body paint	pintura corporal	pintura corporal	culture-mythology			See Language page
panpipe	carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora	caniço, flauta de pã	culture-mythology			See Language page
paper	papel	papel	acculturation	[kar̃aľouta]	Perhaps from Span. 'carta'.	See Language page
pestle	pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor	mão de pilão	subsistence tool	iper̃a		See Language page
pipe for tobacco	pipa	cachimbo	other			See Language page
plate	plato	prato	culture-material			See Language page
policeman	polícia	policía	acculturation			See Language page
pot	olla, pote	panela, vasilha	subsistence tool	wušu; tot-se		See Language page
rattle	matraca, maraca	marico, chocalho	culture-mythology	isira, iʃira (Captain05)		See Language page
resin	resina, brea, copal	resina, brea, breu	subsistence tool			See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya)	kapiwaya	capiwaya	culture-mythology			See Language page
rope/string	mecate, cuerda, soga	corda	culture	ehita-waa		See Language page
salt	sal	sal	food	iči		See Language page
school	escuela	escola	acculturation			See Language page
shaman, healer	chamán, brujo	xaman, pajé, feiticeiro	culture-mythology		In RN region, there is typically one person per village (if that) who is a full-fledged 'shaman'. He is very much a specialist and has considerable power to cure, as well as power to curse. He is respected and feared. Shamans are thought to turn themselv	See Language page
shoes	zapatos	sapatos	dress			See Language page
skirt	falda, saya, fustan, pollera	saia	culture-material			See Language page
soldier	soldado	soldado	acculturation			See Language page
song (generic)	canción, canto	canção	culture-mythology	eir̃ɨha		See Language page
spear	lanza	lança	subsistence tool			See Language page
spearthrower			subsistence tool			See Language page
starch (tapioca, other)	almidón	goma de tapioca	food			See Language page
stone for lighting fires	piedra para hacer fuego	pedra para acender fogo	culture-material			See Language page
sugarcane/sugar	azúcar, caña de azúcar	açucar (de cana)	acculturation	wɨir̃ɨ		See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau	cahuana, caguana	mingau	food		agriculture	See Language page
tattoo	tatuaje, tatu	tatuagem	culture-mythology			See Language page
thatch/roof	crisneja	palha, caraná	culture-material			See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer)	tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca	tipiti	food		word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc	See Language page
top grinding stone	metate, mano; piedra de moler	metate, mano	manufacture		use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone	See Language page
tripod for washing manioc	trípode	tripé	subsistence tool		agriculture	See Language page
venom for darts, poison	veneno	curare	subsistence tool		hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?)	See Language page
wax	cera	cera	other	mapa-se	mapa is 'bee'.	See Language page
woven strainer/sieve	colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru)	peneira, cumatá	subsistence tool		agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour	See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women)	yurupari	jurupari	culture-mythology		a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women.	See Language page

Showing 1 to 97 of 97 entries

Grammatical Data (226)

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Category	Grammatical Feature	Grammatical Feature: Notes	Feature Status	Grammatical Notes	Source
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Productive NN compounding	Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced	yes	There does seem to be compounding, but not clear how productive it is.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Productive VV serialization (without compounding)	Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection	no info
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Productive VV compounding	Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word	not clear	Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there is verb "compounding" but the examples they give do not have multiple roots, they are roots plus things like causatives, etc.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions	There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap'	yes	There are several auxiliaries. One of these, calucaa, is said to have a “verbalizing function” for non-verbs.	Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 256
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Auxiliary verb(s)	There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs	yes		Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 256
Morphology - General	Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb)	Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number]	yes	The person marking suffixes vary depending on the tense/aspect of the verb, although tense/aspect may be marked with additional morphemes as well.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800-801
Morphology - General	Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes	Stem change, tone	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800-801
Morphology - General	Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes)	Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800-801
Morphology - General	Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing	There are many more prefixes than suffixes	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: 798-801
Morphology - General	Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing	There are many more suffixes than prefixes	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: 798-801
Morphology - General	Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred	The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: 798-801
Morphology - General	Reduplication: full	The full morpheme is reduplicated	no info
Morphology - General	Reduplication: partial	Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated	no info
Morphology - Incorporation	Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process	Verb contains nominal segment	no	The verb template does not include a slot for incorporated elements.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Morphology - Incorporation	Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs	Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns	no	The template for verbs does not include a slot for incorporated elements.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Adpositions mark core NPs	Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients	yes	Indirect object is marked, subject and object are not.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: number of cases	Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun	13	Mansen & Captain note that the case suffixes can occur attached to the noun, but in some cases (in relative or passive clauses), they may be detached.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked	Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: symmetrical	All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity)	yes	No indication that there are restrictions on the type of entity to which a case marker can attach. Many examples are of inanimates.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: asymmetrical	Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: suffix or postpositional clitic		yes	Mansen & Captain (2000) note that case is usually marked with a suffix, but, on rare occasions, most of the case markers can be free words as well. They can be cliticized to either a personal prefix or the noun.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: prefix or prepositional clitic		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: infix or inpositional clitic		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: stem change		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: tone		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: comitative = instrumental	Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Definite or specific articles	Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only	yes	Not sure whether these are definite or specific.	Mansen & Captain, p. 797
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives	Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness	yes	Demonstratives are separate words, definite articles are suffixed to the noun or the verb in a relative clause.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797, 799
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Indefinite or non-specific article	or marker	yes	This is a reduced form of the numeral 'one.'	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals	Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound)		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number)	Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system	4		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.)		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Noun classes/genders	Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP	yes	masculine/non-masculine, and plural. The non-masculine seems to be the 'unmarked' form, marking inanimates and even things like 'ancestors.'	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796-797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Number of noun classes/genders	Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders	3		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders)	Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain.	no	Sometimes two or more nouns can link up, but the first noun is more generic and the nouns that follow specify the referent. There is only one example--there are three words for 'people,' (guajiro, non-guajiro indigenous, and indigenous), and the following	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates	Masculine, feminine, neuter	yes	Masculine vs. non-masculine	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates		no	All examples of inanimates get singular, non-masculine marking.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system	Animate/inanimate, human/non-human	yes	Animates are marked for gender, inanimates are all singular non-masculine.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns	add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only	yes	No other pronouns are marked for gender, although gender is a category elsewhere.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates		n/a	Does not appear to be a noun classifier system.	Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	"Repeater" classifiers	Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot"	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals)	Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns	Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.'	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Categories - Number	Singular number may be marked on the noun	Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796-800
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural affix on noun		yes	Plural may also be marked with the 'definite article,' -kana, which is affixed to the noun.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun		no
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural marked by reduplication of noun		no
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural word/clitic		no
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural marked on human or animate nouns only		no	Examples of inanimates with plural marking.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Number	Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix	Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns	no	Plural pronouns are suppletive.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797-798
Nominal Categories - Number	Unique associative plural marker	e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Base-2	At least some part of the system involves base-2	no		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Base-5	At least some part of the system involves base-5	no		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Base-10	At least some part of the system involves base-10	yes		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Other base (specify)	4, 20, etc.	no		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5	e.g. two = 'eye-quantity'	no		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Numerals do not go above 5	'Many' or some other non-exact term used	no		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Numerals do not go above 10	'Many' or some other non-exact term used	no		Captain, 2005 (numerals database)
Nominal Categories - Other nominal	Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates	i.e. nominal or adjectival	no	No tense/aspect inflection on the examples given, but it's not explicit.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Nominal Categories - Other nominal	Person inflection on non-verbal predicates	i.e. nominal or adjectival	yes	There is no person inflection on the predicate in equational clauses. However, there does seem to be person marking on the predicate in relational clauses. Both relational and equational clauses use non-verbal predicates.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Gender in 3sg pronouns		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Gender in 3pl pronouns		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 796
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Formal/informal distinction in pronouns	Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Reflexive pronouns	e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix	no info
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives	Underived adjectives	There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes	yes	They are rare.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives	Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP	There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco	no	Only one glossed example in the section on adjectives--this doesn't have any sort of gender marking.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival)	There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb	no info	No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns.	Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer)	There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb	no info	No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns.	Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song)	There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb	no info	No mention of nominalizing morphology in the morphological template for nouns.	Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive verbalizing morphology	There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective	no	The particle calacá is used with a verbalizing capacity with non-verbs. Perhaps this is better described as a light verb, since it's called a “verb auxiliary” and used with a verbalizing function??	Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 801, Mansen & Mansen 1976: p. 155
Nominal Syntax - Other	NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently	'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary'	yes	No mention of coordination in Mansen and Captain (2000). There are several dictionary entries for “y” in the (2005) dictionary. To conjoin sentences only o'ulacaa is used for sentence-level conjunction, suggesting the others can be used for NP coordinatio	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800, Captain & Captain 2005, Mansen & Mansen 1976: p. 182
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N	alienable/inalienable?	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N	alienable/inalienable?	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent	e.g. 'the boy-'s dog'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head	e.g. 'the boy his-dog'	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Possessive classifiers	There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities	n/a	No classifiers.	Mansen & Captain, 2000
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Morphological marking of inalienable possession	Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun)	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Morphological marking of alienable possession	Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun)	yes	These are only used on noun roots that are not considered inherently posessed in order to make them a possessed root.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed	An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form	yes	“Possessed” suffixes are used to make a possessive stem, but only on nouns that aren't considered inherently possessed.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Inalienable possession of kin terms	'my-father' but *father	yes	Body parts and kin terms are “possessed nouns.” (Presumably inalienably possessed).	Captain, David and Linda Captain. 2005. Diccionario Básico Ilustrado: Wayuunaiki-Español Español-Wayuunaiki. Bogotá: Editorial Fundación para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal)	'my-leg' but *leg	yes		Captain, David and Linda Captain. 2005. Diccionario Básico Ilustrado: Wayuunaiki-Español Español-Wayuunaiki. Bogotá: Editorial Fundación para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed	Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man)	yes	Mansen and Captain (2000) note that nouns can “concatenate,” where the first can be a noun that identifies a referent (when it's a human), the race of the person follows. Examples are “wayuu viejo,” and “wayuu señorita,” to mean something like “el viejo”	Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 798
Phonology - Segmental	Pre-/post-nasalized stops	Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive.	no		Alvarez, José (1985). Aspects of the Phonology of Guajiro. PhD dissertation: University of Essex: p. 35
Phonology - Segmental	Glottalized/ejective consonants	Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative]	no	Only /ʔ/ and /h/.	Alvarez, 1985: p. 35
Phonology - Segmental	Palatalized stops	Phonemic contrast	no		Alvarez, 1985: p. 35
Phonology - Segmental	Phonemic vowel length	Does the language have long and short vowels?	yes		Alvarez, 1985: p. 40
Phonology - Segmental	Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels		no		Alvarez, 1985: p. 25
Phonology - Segmental	Complex onsets	Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme	no		Alvarez, 1985: p. 78
Phonology - Segmental	No codas	*(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained]	no		Alvarez, 1985: p. 78
Phonology - Segmental	Word-final coda required	Do all syllables end in a consonant?	no	Mansen (1967) gives examples of coda-less words.	Mansen, Richard A. 1967 "Guajiro Phonemes" In Viola G. Waterhouse (ed.) Phonemic Systems of Colombian languages. Norman, OK: SIL International and UT Arlington Publications in Linguistics 14: p. 49
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Contrastive tones	Note how many contrastive tones	yes	2 tones. Phonemic 'stress' (one syllable per word, so primary stress) is realized with high pitch more than with intensity.	Mansen, 1967: p. 49
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Contrastive stress	Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference?	yes	Pitch-accent, but stress is described as 'phonemic.'	Mansen, 1967: p. 56
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable	In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments	no	Nasalization spreads from nasal stops to vowels, but it doesn't seem to be a 'property' of a syllable/morpheme. Also, doesn't seem to be phonemic.	Mansen, 1967: p. 58, Mansen, Richard A. and Karis Mansen. (1984). Aprendamos Guajiro. SIL
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries	Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to?	yes	All the words derived from eeju 'to smell' have nasalization all across the word, but nasalization isn't phonemic.	Mansen, 1967: p. 58, Mansen, Richard A. and Karis Mansen. (1984). Aprendamos Guajiro. SIL
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Vowel harmony		yes		Alvarez, 1985: p. 165; Mansen, Richard A. & David Captain. (2000). "El idioma Wayuu (o Guajiro)" In María Stella González de Pérez and María Luisa Rodriguez de Montes (eds.) Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia: una visión descriptiva: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative	Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects	n/a	No case marking on subject/object NPs.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative	Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive	Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite	Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive	Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep)	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative		n/a	No case marking on pronouns in subject/object position.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive	yes, no, mixed, other	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative	Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive	yes, no, mixed, other	yes	From Mansen & Captain (2000), it seems as though the gender-marking suffixes are used for S and O, while prefixes are used for A. Sometimes, the O may be understood, and the verb still gets a prefix. They note that 'the form of the verb with a personal pr	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive		no
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical	Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3)	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: split	More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc.	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p.
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions	Grammaticalized verbal desiderative	Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it)	yes		Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: interrogative particle	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle	no	The polar questions in Mansen & Mansen (1979) do not have a special interrogative particle.	Mansen & Mansen 1979
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: verb morphology	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology	no	Although the polar questions in Mansen & Mansen (1979) have the same word order as declaratives, the morphoogical breakdown is not shown. However, there are morphological templates for verbs, none of which show a slot for a “question” morpheme.	Mansen & Mansen (1979), Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: word order	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion)	no	In the text in Mansen and Mansen (1979), polar questions follow the normal Guajiro VSO order.	Mansen, Richard and Karis Mansen. (1979). Couyatalima: Texto de Guajiro. In Estudios de Guajiro, Ruth Monterroso (ed.). Lomalinda, Colombia: ILV
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: intonation only	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only	yes	In the text in Mansen and Mansen (1979), polar questions follow the normal Guajiro VSO order.	Mansen & Mansen (1979).
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Content questions: word order differs from declaratives	Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.)	yes	In the text in Mansen and Mansen (1979), all examples of content questions have preposed question words.
Simple Clauses - Negation	Clausal negator is a preposed element	Clausal negator is a preposed element	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Clausal negator is a postposed element	Clausal negator is a postposed element	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: affix	Negatives: affix	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: particle	Negatives: particle	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: auxiliary verb	Negatives: auxiliary verb	yes	Mansen & Captain (2000) say that the verb noholaa means 'no ser, no estar, no haber.' This verb takes person marking (in the unmarked, 'general' tense), which, interestingly, are different than those that attach to regular verbs.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: double	Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist'		no	The regular negative verb can have the meaning 'no haber,' as well as 'no ser' or 'no estar.'	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Negation	Distinct negative expression 'I don't know'	Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase	no info
Simple Clauses - Other	Clause chaining	Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause.	yes	Mansen and Mansen (1976) do not discuss this as clause chaining explicitly, but they describe a "simple sentence" as a nucleus plus one or more temporal, logical, or temporal-logical margins, which are marked with same/different subject particles, while t	Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 166-172, Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Other	Morphologically marked switch-reference system	There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined	yes	There are particles that do switch-reference and also marks the difference between concurrent and sequential clauses.	Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 166-172, Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Other	Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses	Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence	yes	There are particles that do switch-reference and also marks the difference between concurrent and sequential clauses.	Mansen & Mansen, 1976: p. 166-172, Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 804
Simple Clauses - Predication	Predicate adjectives: verbal	Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position	no	Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there are few true adjectives, most are stative verbs. However, they lump together numerals and adjectives. There is one example of a numeral in a predicate--this acts like a noun, rather than a verb.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Predication	Predicate adjectives: nominal	Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position	yes	Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there are few true adjectives, most are stative verbs. However, they lump together numerals and adjectives. There is one example of a numeral in a predicate--this acts like a noun, rather than a verb.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Predication	Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible	Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all)	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Predication	Headless relative clauses	Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head)	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication	Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause	Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses.	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication	Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker	It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause	yes	Examples of relative clauses have class markers on the relativized verbs.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication	Relativizer is a verbal affix		yes	The description in Mansen and Captain (2000) says that the 'definite article' (=gender agreement marker?) is suffixed to the verb in the relative clause.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Predication	Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer	The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes)	no	The relativizer is homophonous with gender markers/'definite articles'.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position	Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects	yes	No distinction between pronominal subjects and subjects that are full NPs in the sentence structure given in Mansen and Captain (2000).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb	Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option)	yes	Pronominal subjects can be indicated with either prefixes or suffixes on the verb (for both transitives and intransitives). Suffixes only distinguish gender, not person, but there is no other indication that these are adjectives (not verbs).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb	Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option)	yes	Pronominal subjects can be indicated with either prefixes or suffixes on the verb (for both transitives and intransitives). Suffixes only distinguish gender, not person, but there is no other indication that these are adjectives (not verbs).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 802
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host	Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc.	no	There are free pronouns and verbal prefixes.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position	Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects	no	No distinction between pronominal subjects and subjects that are full NPs in the sentence structure given in Mansen and Captain (2000).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Person marking on intransitive verbs	Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes	yes	The argument of an intransitive is marked on the verb with a suffix (the same set of suffixes used for O).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs	Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers	yes	Verbal prefixes mark the subject, suffixes mark object. There are examples of transitive verbs with person marking, no indication of whether person marking is less common on transitives.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs	Transitive verbs take object (P) markers	yes	Verbal suffixes mark objects.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects	3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects	3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system	no	Third-person objects are marked in a number of different ways, depending on the tense/aspect of the verb.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Number can be marked separately from person on the verb	Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately	no	There are several different sets of person markers. The subject markers have suppletive plural forms. The object markers distinguish the three noun classes-masculine, non-masculine, and plural.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798, 801
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers	Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Gender distinguished in verbal person markers	For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 797
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice	Ditransitive constructions: indirect object	In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently	yes	The 'indirect object' (recipient) gets a case marker.	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice	Ditransitive constructions: double object	In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice	Ditransitive constructions: secondary object	In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme	Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal.	yes	Unclear: there is a morpheme -ira which is identified as a “reciprocal.” No discussion of whether this can also be used for reflexives (or what is used for reflexives.
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Reflexive: dedicated morpheme	Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive.	no	Unclear: there is a morpheme -ira which is identified as a “reciprocal.” No discussion of whether this can also be used for reflexives (or what is used for reflexives, but since there is no separate reflexive morpheme pointed out, I assume there is no suc
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme	Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb	no	Unclear: there is a morpheme -ira which is identified as a “reciprocal.” No discussion of whether this can also be used for reflexives (or what is used for reflexives, but I assume that it is only a reciprocal marker.
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Passive	Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p.801, 804
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Antipassive	Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Other intransitivizing morphology	There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Applicative: benefactive	Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Applicative: other	Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb	yes	Not mentioned in Mansen & Captain (2000), but Mansen & Mansen (1984) mention a suffix that derives 'flee' from 'to go,' and 'drink x' from 'drink.' There are some verbs that seem to have this morpheme, but no corresponding simple verb, so it may be some s	Mansen & Mansen (1984), p. 17; Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: prefix	Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: suffix	Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone	Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: serial verb or analytical construction	Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization	no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy'	Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: dedicated sociative	Indicates that causer participates in event	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence)	There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Dedicated past marker(s)	Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere	yes		Mansen & Captain 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference	e.g. distant vs. recent past	yes	Mansen & Captain (2000) note that there is a general/unmarked past/present tense, a remote past, and an immediate past (perfect?).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference	e.g. imminent vs. distant future	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Dedicated future or non-past marker(s)		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect affixes: prefix		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect affixes: suffix		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect suppletion		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Directionals	Directional elements affixed to the verb	There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc.	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized visual	Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized nonvisual	Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt)	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized inferential	Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker.	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized reportive	Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized quotative	Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Other evidential	Any other evidential values not represented above	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: part of tense system	Includes portmanteau morphs	n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: separate particle		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: modal morpheme		n/a		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form	There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Mood	Polite imperative morpheme	There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language)	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 801
Verbal Categories - Mood	Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses	There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses	no info	No description of the structure of imperatives (or negative imperatives) in any source.
Verbal Categories - Mood	Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative)	as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Situational possibility: affix on verb	Inflectional marking of capacity to do something	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Situational possibility: verbal construction		no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Situational possibility: other marking		no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Epistemic possibility: affix on verb	Modal expressing hypothesis	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Epistemic possibility: verbal construction		no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Epistemic possibility: other marking		no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Marking of expected/unexpected action or result	There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Verbal frustrative	Modal expressing frustration ("in vain")	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Verbal habitual	Modal expressing habituality	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Apprehensive construction	There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Reality status marking on verbs	There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Mood	Affect markers (positive/negative)	Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Verbal Categories - Other	Social interaction markers	Note the type of interaction	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800-801
Verbal Categories - Verbal number	Verbal number suppletion		no info
Word Order	No fixed basic constituent order		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order	VS in intransitive clauses	Verb precedes subject	yes	Mansen and Captain (2000) identify a basic word order, but do not distinguish between intranstives and transitives (or ditransitives).	Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order	VS in transitive clauses		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order	VO in transitive clauses	Verb precedes object	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order	OS in transitive clauses	Object precedes subject	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 803
Word Order	Preposition-Noun		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Word Order	Noun-Postposition or case suffix		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 800
Word Order	Gen-Noun	Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book)	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Noun-Gen	Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John')	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Adj-Noun	Adjective precedes the noun	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order	Noun-Adj	Adjective follows the noun	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order	Dem-Noun		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Noun-Dem		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Num-Noun		yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order	Noun-Num		no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 798
Word Order	Noun-Rel	Relative clause follows noun that it modifies	yes		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Rel-Noun	Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative)	e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away')	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Relative clause is correlative or adjoined	e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat'	no		Mansen & Captain, 2000: p. 799
Word Order	Question word is clause initial	'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause	yes	The examples of content questions in the text in Mansen & Mansen (1979) have the question word clause-initially.	Mansen & Mansen (1979).

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