Hunter-Gatherer Language Database

Mapudungun

Family: Araucanian
Region: South America
ISO 639-3: arn
Location: -38.74°, -71.28°
Notes
Features: Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data

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Data Sources: Garay (Ranquel), Ana V. Fernández, María Catrileo, Mary Ritchie Key. 2007. Mapudungun. Intercontinental Dictionary Series, ed. Mary Ritchie Key. http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/ids/ Salas, Adalberto. 1992. El mapuche o araucano. Editorial Mapfre, Madrid. Zúñiga, Fernando. 2006. Mapudungun: El habla mapuche. Centro de Estudios Públicos, Santiago de Chile.

Basic Vocabulary (191)

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English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Part of Speech	Orthographic Form	Phonemicized Form	Gloss as in Source	Etymology Code	Proto-Form	Proto-Language	Loan Source	Wanderwort Status	Etyma Set	Etymology Notes	General Notes	Source

English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Phonemicized Form	General Notes	Source
1pl.excl	nosotros (exclusivo)	nós (exclusivo)	grammar	inčiɲ	Plural form.	See Language page
1pl.incl	nosotros (inclusivo)	nós (inclusivo)	grammar	inčiɲ	Plural form. Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
1sg	yo	eu	grammar	in-če	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
2pl	ustedes	vocês	grammar	eymɨn	'You (dual)' is eymu. Same forms in Ranquel.	See Language page
2sg	xx	xx	grammar	fey	Ranquel form is kiðu.	See Language page
3pl	ellos/ellas	eles/elas	grammar	feyeŋɨn	'They (dual)' is feyeŋu. Ranquel form is kiðueŋɨn; dual kiðueŋu.	See Language page
3sg	el/ella	ele/ela	grammar	inčiɲ	Plural form. Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
above	encima, arriba	acima	location	wente	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
again	de nuevo, otra vez	de novo	grammar	ka	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
all	todo	todos	other	kom	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
and	y	e	grammar			See Language page
ankle	tobillo	tornozelo	body	pali-pali	Ranquel form is lʸoŋkosewɨ; lʸoŋkoya ~ ɨŋkoy; čoŋo-čoŋo.	See Language page
armpit	axila, sobaco	axila	body	puɲ-lipaŋ; puɲpuya		See Language page
ash	ceniza(s)	cinzas	environment	ṭ͡ʀufken	Cf. 'dust' 01.213. Ranquel form is livṭ͡ʀuvken.	See Language page
at	en, a	em, a	location			See Language page
back	espalda	costas	body	furi	Ranquel form is vɨri.	See Language page
bad	mal	mal	quality	weθa	Ranquel form is weða.	See Language page
bark	corteza	casca	environment	ṭ͡ʀolɨf		See Language page
belly	barriga	barriga	body	pɨṭ͡ʀa	Ranquel form is piuke, same as 'heart'.	See Language page
below	abajo, debajo	abaixo	location	minče; pɨlom; naɣeltu	Ranquel form is minče ~ miɲče.	See Language page
big	grande	grande	quality	fɨta	Ranquel form is pɨṭ͡ʀɨ.	See Language page
bite	morder	morder	body	ɣɨnatu	Ranquel form is ɨnato- ~ ɨnatɨ-.	See Language page
black	negro	preto	colour	kurɨ	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
blood	sangre	sangue	body	molʸfɨɲ	Ranquel form is molʸvɨn ~ molʸvɨɲ ~ molʸvin.	See Language page
blow	soplar	soprar	body	pimu	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
boil/pimple	espinilla, granos	espinha, borbulha	body	moy	Ranquel forms are muyun ~ muy ~ moy.	See Language page
bone	hueso	osso	body	foro	Also means' tooth'. Ranquel form is voro.	See Language page
breast	pecho, seno	peito	body	moyo	Ranquel forms: moyo; ŋɨlʸa.	See Language page
breathe	respirar	respirar	body	n̯eyen̯	Ranquel form is neyi-.	See Language page
burn	quemar	queimar	environment	lɨpɨmɨ-wɨ	Ranquel forms: lɨv- ~ lev; lɨvkon- ~ levkon-.	See Language page
chew	masticar, mascar	mastigar	body	čaŋafɨ	Ranquel form is ɨčovɨn- ~ ɨčovan- ~ ɨčavane-.	See Language page
child	niño, niña	criança	human	piči-če	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
climb	subir	subir	motion	rono-pɨra; wenu-pɨra	Ranquel form is pɨra-; wenopɨra.	See Language page
cloud	nube	nuvem	environment	ṭ͡ʀomɨ	Ranquel forms are ṭ͡ʀomɨ; ṭ͡ʀav-ṭ͡ʀomɨ.	See Language page
cold	frío	frio	quality	wɨṭ͡ʀe; aṭ͡ʀeɣ; čiθ	Ranquel form is uṭ͡ʀe-; aṭ͡ʀew.	See Language page
come	venir	vir	motion	kɨpa	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
cook	cocinar	cozinhar	impact	θewma iyaelɨ		See Language page
correct/true	verdad, de veras	verdade	quality	nor; kɨme		See Language page
count	contar	contar	mental	raki	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
cry	llorar	chorar	mental	ŋɨma	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
cut/hack	cortar	cortar	impact	kaṭ͡ʀɨ	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
day	día	dia	time	an̯tɨ	Also means 'sun' 01.520. Ranquel form is antɨ.	See Language page
die/be dead	morir	morrer	state	l̯a	Ranquel form is la-.	See Language page
dig	cavar	cavar	impact	rɨŋa	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
dingo/wolf			fauna			See Language page
dirty	sucio	sujo	quality	poθ	Ranquel form is porŋe-.	See Language page
dream	soñar	sonhar	mental	pewma	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
drink	beber, tomar	beber	body	pɨto-ko, putu	ko is 'water'. The latter refers to d. alcohol. Ranquel form is pɨto-kon, 'drink water'.	See Language page
dry	seco	seco	quality	piwɨn	Ranquel form is aŋkɨkɨle-, verb; aŋkɨn, adj.	See Language page
dull/blunt	sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo	maçante, desamolado, não afiado	quality	moṭ͡ʀo	Ranquel form is močo.	See Language page
dust	polvo	poeira	environment	ṭ͡ʀufɨr	Ranquel form is kuyɨm.	See Language page
ear	oreja	orelha	body	pilun	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
earth/soil	tierra	terra	environment	mapu	Same form in Ranquel. Also Ranquel ṭ͡ʀuvken.	See Language page
eat	comer	comer	body	i	Ranquel forms are i-; ilo-tɨ-n; cf. 'meat' 05.610.	See Language page
egg	huevo	ovo	fauna	kuram	Cf. 'stone' 01.440. Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
eye	ojo	olho	body	ŋe	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
faeces	heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol	fezes	body	me	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
fall	caer	cair	motion	ɨṭ͡ʀɨf-naɣɨ; ṭ͡ʀanɨ	Ranquel forms: ɨṭ͡ʀɨnaw-; ṭ͡ʀan-; naw-.	See Language page
far	lejos	longe	quality	kamapu	Ranquel forms: alɨmapu; kamapu. See 'earth' 01.210.	See Language page
fat/grease	grasa	gordura	body	yiwiɲ	Ranquel form is yuwin ~ yiwiɲ.	See Language page
father	padre, papá	pai	kinship	čaw	Ranquel form is čao ~ čaw.	See Language page
fear	miedo	medo	mental	lʸika-n	Ranquel form is lʸika- ~ lʸɨka-.	See Language page
feather	pluma	pena	fauna	pičuɲ	Ranquel form is ŋɨpɨ.	See Language page
fingernail	uña	unha	body	wili	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
fire	fuego	fogo	environment	kɨṭ͡ʀal	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
flow	fluir	fluir	motion	wiṭ͡ʀu	Ranquel form is weyu-.	See Language page
flower	flor	flor	environment	rayen	Ranquel form is čičiken.	See Language page
fly	volar	voar	motion	mɨpɨ	Also means 'wing' 04.392. Ranquel form is pɨlpɨl- ~ pɨnpɨn-.	See Language page
fog	niebla, neblina	nevoeira, bruma, neblina	environment	ṭ͡ʀukur	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
foot	pie	pé	body	n̯amun̯	Ranquel forms: namun; maṭ͡ʀa.	See Language page
fruit	fruta	fruta	flora	fɨn̯	From Augusta 1915.	See Language page
good	bueno	bom	quality	kɨme	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
green	verde	verde	quality	karɨ	Ranquel forms: nɨkɨ; karɨ.	See Language page
grow	crecer	crescer	state	ṭ͡ʀemɨ	Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀem-.	See Language page
hair (of head)	cabello	cabelo	body	loŋko	Also means 'chief' 19.240. Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
hand	mano	mão	body	kuwɨ	Ranquel form is kɨwɨ ~ kuɨ.	See Language page
head	cabeza	cabeça	body	loŋko	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
hear	oír	ouvir	mental	alʸkɨ	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
heart	corazón	coração	body	piwke	Ranquel form is piuke.	See Language page
heavy	pesado	pesado	quality	fane	Ranquel form is vane-.	See Language page
hide	esconder	esconder	motion	elʸka-lɨ	Ranquel form is elʸka.	See Language page
hit	golpear, pegar	bater	impact	kupafɨ	Ranquel forms: wima-; pavo-; kupav-; tu-; poṭ͡ʀikɨnɨ-.	See Language page
hold	correr, asegurar, sostener	segurar	other	nɨ-nie		See Language page
hot	caliente	quente	quality	are	Ranquel form is arele-, verb; are, adj.	See Language page
how?	como	como	grammar	čumweči	Ranquel form is čum; čumeči ~ čumŋeči.	See Language page
if	si	se	grammar			See Language page
in/inside	dentro, adentro	dentro	location	ponwi; pu	Ranquel form is punwi; pu.	See Language page
intestines	intestinos	intestinos	body	kɨlče	Ranquel forms are kɨlče; lʸoŋo.	See Language page
itch	hormiguear, sentir comezón	coçar	body	ɲay-ɲay	Ranquel form is ɨna-.	See Language page
kill	matar	matar	impact	l̯aŋɨmɨ	Ranquel form is laŋɨm-.	See Language page
know/be knowledgeable	saber, conecer	saber, conhecer	mental	kimɨ	Ranquel form is kim-.	See Language page
lake	lago	lago	environment	l̯afken̯	Ranquel form is lavken.	See Language page
laugh	reír	rir	mental	aye; aye-kawɨ	Ranquel form is aye.	See Language page
leaf	hoja	folha	environment	tapɨl̯	Ranquel form is tapɨl.	See Language page
left/left hand	izquierdo	esquerdo	location/body	wele	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
leg/foot	pierna	perna	body	čaŋ	Ranquel form is čan ~ čaŋ.	See Language page
lie down	acostarse, echarse	deitar	motion	kuθu; ṭ͡ʀana-kɨnu-wɨ	Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀanakɨnɨ- ~ ṭ͡ʀanakɨne-.	See Language page
lightning	rayo, relámpago	relampago	environment	lʸɨfke	Ranquel form is wilɨvɨ, noun.	See Language page
live/be alive	vivir	viver, morar	body	moŋen	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
liver	hígado	figado	body	ke	Ranquel form is vukuɲ ~ vukuiɲ.	See Language page
long	largo	comprido, longo	quality	al̯ɨ-amu-n		See Language page
louse	piollo, piojo	piolho	fauna	t̯ɨn̯	Ranquel forms are tɨn, of the hair; pɨṭ͡ʀar, of the body.	See Language page
lung	pulmón	pulmão	body	pon̯on̯	Ranquel form is ponon.	See Language page
man/male	hombre	homem	human	wenṭ͡ʀu	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
meat/flesh	carne	carne	fauna	ilo	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
moon	luna	lua	environment	kɨyen̯	Ranquel form is kɨyen.	See Language page
mother	madre, mamá	mãe	kinship	ɲuke	Same form in Ranquel. Affectionate form in Ranquel is ɲaɲa.	See Language page
mountain/hill	montaña, colina, loma, cerro	morro, serra	environment	wiŋkul mapu	Ranquel form is mawiða.	See Language page
mouth	boca	boca	body	wɨn̯	Ranquel form is wɨn.	See Language page
name	nombre	nome	human	ɨy	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
nape	base del cuello, nuca	nuca	body	t̯opel̯	Ranquel form is to-pel.	See Language page
near/close	cerca de	perto	quality	pɨlʸe	Ranquel form is pičiṭ͡ʀipale-.	See Language page
neck	cuello	pescoço	body	pel̯	Ranquel form is pel.	See Language page
new	nuevo	novo	quality	we	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
night	noche	noite	time	pun̯	Ranquel form is pun.	See Language page
no/not	no	não	grammar			See Language page
nose	nariz	nariz	body	yu	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
old	viejo	velho	quality	fɨča; kuse	Respectively: male; female. Ranquel forms: vɨta; kuðe.	See Language page
one	uno	um	number	kiɲe	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
open/uncover	abrir	abrir	other	nɨla	Ranquel form is ɨla-.	See Language page
other	otro	outro	grammar			See Language page
pain/painful/sick	dolor, doloroso, enfermo	dor, doloroso, doente	body	kuṭ͡ʀan	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
person/human being	persona	pessoa	human	če	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
pound/beat	machacar, golpear	bater	impact	[puɲete]	From Spanish 'puɲete'.	See Language page
rain	lluvia	chuva	environment	mawɨn̯	Ranquel form is mawɨn.	See Language page
red	rojo	vermelho	colour	kelɨ	Ranquel form is kelɨ ~ kolɨ.	See Language page
right/right hand	derecha	direita	location/body	man		See Language page
road/path	camino	caminho	manufacture	rupa-peyɨm	Ranquel form is piči rɨpɨ.	See Language page
root	raíz	raiz	flora	folil	Ranquel form is volil.	See Language page
rotten	podrido	podre	quality	funa-n	Ranquel form is vunan-.	See Language page
sand	arena	areia	environment	kuyɨm	Ranquel form is kulʸpað.	See Language page
say	decir	dizer	mental	feypi	Ranquel form is pi-.	See Language page
scratch	rascar	rasgar	impact			See Language page
see	ver	ver	mental	pe	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
sharp	afilado, filudo, filoso	afiado	quality	yuŋe	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
shoot	tirar, disparar, balear	atirar	impact	ṭ͡ʀalka-tu		See Language page
short	corto	curto	quality	piči; piči pɨra		See Language page
shoulder	hombro	ombro	body	yupi	Ranquel form is lipan.	See Language page
shy/ashamed	tímido, vergonzoso	timido, com vergonha	mental	yewe-n	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
sit	sentar(se)	sentar	state	anɨ	The morpheme is included in 'buttocks' 04.464. Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
skin	piel	pele	body	ṭ͡ʀɨlke	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
sky	cielo	céu	environment	wenu	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
sleep	dormir	dormir	body	umautu	Ranquel form is umawtɨ-.	See Language page
small	pequeño	pequeno	quality	piči	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
smoke	humo	fumaça	environment	fiṭ͡ʀun	Ranquel form is piṭ͡ʀun.	See Language page
sniff/smell	olfatear, oler	cheirar	body	n̯ɨmɨ-tu	Ranquel form is nɨmɨ-.	See Language page
spit	escupir	cuspir	body	tofkɨ	Ranquel form is tɨvk-.	See Language page
split	partir, dividir	rachar, dividir, partir	impact	waṭ͡ʀo-ka, ṭ͡ʀafo-ka	Ranquel form is uðanente-.	See Language page
squeeze	estrujar, exprimir	espremer	impact	kɨṭ͡ʀɨ		See Language page
stab/pierce	apuñalar, acuchillar	apunhalar	impact	čɨŋarɨ	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
stand	estar de pié	ficar em pé	state	wiṭ͡ʀa	Ranquel form is uṭ͡ʀa-.	See Language page
star	estrella	estrela	environment	waŋɨlen̯	Ranquel form is waŋɨlen.	See Language page
steal	robar	roubar	other	weɲe	Ranquel forms: winkɨ-; weɲe-.	See Language page
stick/wood	palo	pau, vara	flora	mamɨlʸ	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
stone	piedra	pedra	environment	kura	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
suck	chupar	chupar	body	fočiθɨ	Ranquel form is voči- ~ woči-.	See Language page
sun	sol	sol	time	an̯tɨ	Also means 'day' 14.410. Ranquel form is antɨ.	See Language page
sweat	sudar	suor, suar	body	arofɨ	Ranquel form is arov- ~ arɨv-.	See Language page
swell	hincharse	inchar	body	kunaw	Ranquel forms: pawɨw- ~ pawaw-.	See Language page
swim	nadar	nadar	motion	weyel̯ɨ	Ranquel form is weyɨl-.	See Language page
tail	cola, rabo	rabo	body	kɨlen	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
that	ese/esa	esse	grammar			See Language page
thick	grueso, gordo, espeso	grosso	quality	fɨta-rume	Ranquel form is pɨṭ͡ʀɨrume; pɨtarume.	See Language page
thin	delgado	fino	quality	piči-rume	Ranquel form is pɨtɨrume, (affective form) ~ pičirume.	See Language page
think	pensar	pensar	mental	raki-θuamɨ	Ranquel form is rakiðwam-.	See Language page
this	este/esta	este	grammar			See Language page
three	tres	tres	number	kɨla	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
throat	garganta	garganta	body	pel̯	Ranquel form is pel.	See Language page
throw	tirar, lanzar	atirar, jogar	impact	ɨṭ͡ʀɨfɨ	Ranquel form is ɨṭ͡ʀɨv-.	See Language page
thunder	truenos	trovão	environment	ṭ͡ʀalkan	Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀɨnɨnɨ-, verb.	See Language page
tie up/fasten	atar, amarrar	amarrar	impact	kɨθaw	Ranquel form is kiðaw-.	See Language page
tongue	lengua	lingua	body	kewɨn̯	Ranquel formis kewɨn.	See Language page
tooth	diente	dente	body	foro	Also means 'bone'. Ranquel form is voro.	See Language page
turn	girar, volter, torcer	virar	other	wiɲo-kintu	Ranquel form is wiɲokintɨ-.	See Language page
two	dos	dois	number	epu	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
vomit	vomitar	vomitar	body	rapi	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
walk	caminar, andar	andar	motion	ṭ͡ʀeka	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
water	agua	agua	environment	ko	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
wet	mojado	molhado	quality	kɨlčaf; narfen	Ranquel form is ɨrele-.	See Language page
what?	que, qué	que	grammar	čem	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
when?	cuando	quando	grammar	čumɨl	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
where?	donde	onde	grammar	čew	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
white	blanco	branco	colour	liɣ	Ranquel form is pɨlan.	See Language page
who?	quien, quién	quem	grammar	iɲey	Ranquel form is iɲe ~ iɲey ~ iɲ ~ ɲi.	See Language page
wife	esposa	esposa	kinship	kure; θomo	Ranquel forms are kure; ðomo-če.	See Language page
wind	viento	vento	environment	kɨrɨf	Ranquel form is kɨrɨv.	See Language page
wing	ala	asa	body	mɨpɨ	Also means 'fly 10.370. Ranquel form is ŋɨpɨ.	See Language page
woman/female	mujer	mulher	human	θomo	Ranquel form is ðomo.	See Language page
work	trabajar	trabalhar	other	kɨṭ͡ʀawa	From Augusta 1915.	See Language page
yawn	bostezar	bocejar	body	ɨŋapu	Rnaquel form is ɨŋav- ~ ɨnav-.	See Language page
yellow	amarillo	amarelo	colour	čoθ	Ranquel form is čoð.	See Language page


1pl.excl
1pl.incl
1sg
2pl
2sg
3pl
3sg
above
again
all
and
ankle
armpit
ash
at
back
bad
bark
belly
below
big
bite
black
blood
blow
boil/pimple
bone
breast
breathe
burn
chew
child
climb
cloud
cold
come
cook
correct/true
count
cry
cut/hack
day
die/be dead
dig
dingo/wolf
dirty
dream
drink
dry
dull/blunt
dust
ear
earth/soil
eat
egg
eye
faeces
fall
far
fat/grease
father
fear
feather
fingernail
fire
flow
flower
fly
fog
foot
fruit
good
green
grow
hair (of head)
hand
head
hear
heart
heavy
hide
hit
hold
hot
how?
if
in/inside
intestines
itch
kill
know/be knowledgeable
lake
laugh
leaf
left/left hand
leg/foot
lie down
lightning
live/be alive
liver
long
louse
lung
man/male
meat/flesh
moon
mother
mountain/hill
mouth
name
nape
near/close
neck
new
night
no/not
nose
old
one
open/uncover
other
pain/painful/sick
person/human being
pound/beat
rain
red
right/right hand
road/path
root
rotten
sand
say
scratch
see
sharp
shoot
short
shoulder
shy/ashamed
sit
skin
sky
sleep
small
smoke
sniff/smell
spit
split
squeeze
stab/pierce
stand
star
steal
stick/wood
stone
suck
sun
sweat
swell
swim
tail
that
thick
thin
think
this
three
throat
throw
thunder
tie up/fasten
tongue
tooth
turn
two
vomit
walk
water
wet
what?
when?
where?
white
who?
wife
wind
wing
woman/female
work
yawn
yellow

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Flora Fauna Vocabulary (133)

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English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Part of Speech	Linnean Name	Orthographic Form	Phonemicized Form	Gloss as in Source	Etymology Code	Proto-Form	Proto-Language	Loan Source	Etymology Notes	Wanderwort Status	Etyma Set	Range of Term	Word Structure	Word Structure Notes	Classifier	Classifier Notes	Hypernym	Source	Association with Social Categories	Ritual/Mythologically Significant	Ritual Notes	Food Source	Food Notes	Medicinal	Medicinal Notes	How Collected	Who Collects	How Prepared	Psychotropic	Psychotropic Notes	Traded	Trade Notes	Distribution	Habitat	Dangerous	Ethnobiology Notes	Species Notes	General Notes

English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Linnean Name	Phonemicized Form	Source	Distribution	General Notes
achiote, anatto	achiote	urucum	flora-fauna	Bixa orellana		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens	shrub
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti)	Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado	cutia	flora-fauna	Dasyprocta spp.		See Language page
alligator, black caiman	babilla; cachirre	jacaré	flora-fauna	Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp.		See Language page	Throughout Amazonia	Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
Amazon dolphin	bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco)	boto cor-de-rosa	flora-fauna	Inia geoffrensis		See Language page	Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls
Amazon tree-grape	uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.)	cucura	flora-fauna	Pourouma cecropiifolia		See Language page	grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times	a tree; not a true grape
anaconda	anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande	sucuri	flora-fauna	genus Eunectes		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
angleworm	lombriz	minhoca	flora-fauna	order Opisthopora	piru	See Language page		Smae form in Ranquel.
ant (generic)	hormiga	formiga	flora-fauna	Formicidae	kolʸelʸa	See Language page		Ranquel formis kolʸalʸa.
anteater	oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus	tamanduá	flora-fauna	Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater)		See Language page	Widespread Amazonian lowlands
armadillo	armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo)	tatu	flora-fauna	family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri		See Language page	Widespread in Amazonia
arrow cane, wildcane	caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana	cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio	flora-fauna	Gynerium sagittatum		See Language page	tropical regions, especially river banks	plant
avocado	palta, aguacate	abacate	flora-fauna	Persea americana		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens	tree
açai palm	huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia)	açaí	flora-fauna	Euterpe sp.		See Language page	floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia
banana, plantain	banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano	banana	flora-fauna	Musa sp.		See Language page		Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
bat	murciélago	morcego	flora-fauna	Chiroptera spp.	piɲuyke	See Language page		From Febrès 1764.
beans	frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas)	feijão	flora-fauna	Phaseolus spp.	θeŋɨlʸ	See Language page		plant
bird	pajaro, ave	passaro	flora-fauna		ɣɨɲɨm	See Language page		Ranquel form is ɨɲɨm.
bitterwood	tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru)	envira	flora-fauna	Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala		See Language page	secondary forests, native to Brazil	tree
black palm	bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá	bacaba	flora-fauna	Oenocarpus bacaba		See Language page	Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon	may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
blowfly/housefly	mosca	mosca	flora-fauna	Diptera	pɨl̯ɨ	See Language page		Ranquel form is pɨlɨ.
boa	boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura	jiboia	flora-fauna	family Boidae, subf. Boinae		See Language page
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree)	calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara	cabaça	flora-fauna	Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine)		See Language page	indigenous gardens	plant; tree
brazil nut	castaña	castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis)	flora-fauna	Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia']		See Language page	1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua.	tree
brown woolly monkey	Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt	macaco barrigudo	flora-fauna	Lagothrix lagothricha		See Language page
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant	conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro	tocandira	flora-fauna	Paraponera clavata		See Language page
butterfly, moth	mariposa	borboleta	flora-fauna	order Lepidoptera	t̯on̯-t̯on̯	See Language page		Ranquel form is piniken.
capybara	Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco	capivara	flora-fauna	Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris		See Language page
cará tuber, purple or white	camote, sachapapa	cará roxo, branco	flora-fauna	Dioscorea sp.		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings	plant
cashew	anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela)	caju	flora-fauna	Anacardium occidentale / giganteum		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens	tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
centipede	ciempiés	centopéia	flora-fauna	class Chilopoda		See Language page
cicada	cigarra, chicharra	cigarra	flora-fauna	super fam. Cicadoidea		See Language page
cipó vine	tamishi, bejuco, yare	cipó	flora-fauna	Heteropsis spp.	mulul	See Language page	secondary forest, floodplain	From Augusta 1915.
coca	coca	coca	flora-fauna	Erythroxylum coca		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes	plant
cockroach	cucaracha	barata-do-mato	flora-fauna	order Blattaria		See Language page
collared peccary	sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar	caititu, caetitu	flora-fauna	Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu	[faraku]	See Language page		From Span. 'verraco'.
cotamundi, coatimundi	Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache	quati	flora-fauna	genus Nasua		See Language page
cotton	algodón	algodão	flora-fauna	Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers)		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation	plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
crab	cangrejo	caranguejo	flora-fauna	infraorder Brachyura		See Language page
cricket	saltón, grillo	grilo	flora-fauna	family Gryllidae		See Language page
curassow	mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini)	mutum	flora-fauna	Crax sp., Nothocrax sp.		See Language page	Amazonia
deer	venado	veado, cariacu	flora-fauna	family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus	pɨθu	See Language page
dog (camp, domestic)	perro	cachorro	flora-fauna	Canis famililaris	ṭ͡ʀewa	See Language page	Not native; widespread	Same form in Ranquel.
dog (wild; bush dog)	sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta	cachorro-do-mato	flora-fauna	Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
dove	paloma	pomba	flora-fauna	family Columbidae	kono	See Language page		Ranquel form for 'pigeon' is maykono.
duck	pato	pato, marreco	flora-fauna	Anatidae family	[patu]	See Language page		Ranquel form is [ pato]. From Spanish 'pato'.
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil)	suri, mojojoy	larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá	flora-fauna	Rhynchophorus sp.		See Language page
electric eel	anguila eléctrica	poraquê	flora-fauna	Electrophorus electricus		See Language page
firefly, lightning bug	lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin)	vagalume	flora-fauna	fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae		See Language page
fish (generic)	pez	peixe	flora-fauna		čalʸwa	See Language page		Same form in Ranquel.
fish poison, barbasco	barbasco, matapez (Colombia)	timbó	flora-fauna	Lonchocarpus spp.		See Language page	secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation	shrub/tree
flea	pulga	pulga	flora-fauna	order Siphonaptera	nerɨm	See Language page		Ranquel form is nerɨm ~ nɨrɨm.
genipap	jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico	genipapo, jenipapo	flora-fauna	Genipapa americana		See Language page	widespread lowland SA	shrub
giant otter	Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria	ariranha	flora-fauna	Pteronura brasiliensis		See Language page
grass	hierba, pasto	capim, grama	flora-fauna	(generic)	kaču	See Language page		Same in Ranquel.
gray-winged trumpeter	Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris	jacamim	flora-fauna	Psophia crepitans		See Language page	Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões
great egret	Garza Blanca, Guyratî	Garça-Branca-Grande	flora-fauna	Ardea alba		See Language page	Widespread South America
green acouchi	Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo	cutiara	flora-fauna	Myoprocta pratti		See Language page
guan	pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru)	jacu	flora-fauna	Penelope sp.		See Language page	Different types have different localized ranges
hallucinogenic snuff	vilca, cebil, yopo	paricá, yopo	flora-fauna	Anadenanthera sp. or virola		See Language page
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca	ayahuasca, yage	ayahuasca, caapi	flora-fauna	Banisteriopsis caapi		See Language page	semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW	vine
hawk	halcón, gavilán	gavião	flora-fauna	family Accipitridae		See Language page		Ranquel form is kɨčɨ-kɨčɨ.
honeybee	abeja	abelha	flora-fauna	Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis	silʸwiɲ	See Language page
horse	caballo	cavalho	flora-fauna	Equus caballus		See Language page
hot pepper	ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru)	pimenta	flora-fauna	Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens	ṭ͡ʀapi	See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden	Same form in Ranquel.
howler monkey (red-handed)	mono aullador, mono coto (Peru)	guariba	flora-fauna	Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.]		See Language page
hummingbird	colibrí, picaflor (Peru)	beija-flor	flora-fauna	family Trochilidae		See Language page	Widespread
iguana	iguana, garipiares (Colombia)	camaleão	flora-fauna	Iguana sp.		See Language page		iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
inga	guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru)	inga	flora-fauna	Inga spp.		See Language page	Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia)
insect (generic)	insecto	insecto	flora-fauna	generic		See Language page
jaguar	yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru)	onca	flora-fauna	Panthera onca		See Language page
japurá	oreja de murcielago	japurá	flora-fauna	Erisma japura		See Language page		large tree
kapok	ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.)	sumaumeira	flora-fauna	Ceiba pentandra		See Language page	northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas	tree
kingfisher	martín pescador, catalan (Peru)	martim-pescador	flora-fauna	family Alcedinidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
leaf-cutter ant	Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse	saúva	flora-fauna	Atta sp.		See Language page
macaw	ara, guacamaya	Arara	flora-fauna	family Psittacidae; Ara sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
maize, corn	mazorca, maiz	milho	flora-fauna	Zea mays	uwa	See Language page	widespread, esp. in river floodplains	Ranquel form is wa.
manatee	vaca marina, manatí	peixe-boi	flora-fauna	Trichechus sp.		See Language page
mandi catfish	maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish)	mandi	flora-fauna	Auchenipterus sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
manioc (bitter or generic)	yuca brava	mandioca	flora-fauna	Manihot esculenta		See Language page	not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition.	Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet)	yuca, caribe	macaxeira	flora-fauna	Manihot esculenta		See Language page	Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere	No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
miriti palm	moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti	buriti	flora-fauna	Mauritia flexuosa		See Language page	Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps	trunks contain sago-like starch
mosquito	mosquito, zancudo	mosquito, carapana	flora-fauna	Anopheles sp.		See Language page		Ranquel form is polʸko.
moth	mariposa nocturna, polilla	mariposa	flora-fauna	order Lepidoptera		See Language page
mouse, rat	ratón	camundongo, rata	flora-fauna	Mus musculus	θewɨ	See Language page		Ranquel form is ðewɨ.
mushroom	champiñón, hongo	cogumelo	flora-fauna	(any edible generic)		See Language page		prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
neotropical otter (small)	Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia)	lontra	flora-fauna	Lontra longicaudis		See Language page
opossum	zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo	mucura	flora-fauna	family Didelphidae		See Language page
owl (large)	búho, lechuza	corujão	flora-fauna	order Strigiformes	čiwɨθ	See Language page	Widespread	Ranquel form is pekeɲ ~ pekin.
paca (lowland)	Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana)	paca	flora-fauna	Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.)		See Language page
pacu fish	palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru)	pacu	flora-fauna	Mylossoma sp.		See Language page
palm for roof thatch	pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná	caraná	flora-fauna	Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana		See Language page	Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests	palm
parrot	loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib)	papagaio	flora-fauna	Amazona amazonica	rawilʸma; čoroy	See Language page	Widespread
paxiuba palm	pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba	paxiuba	flora-fauna	Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia	palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm	chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol)	pupunha	flora-fauna	Bactris gasipaes		See Language page
peanut	maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete	amendoim	flora-fauna	Arachis hypogaea		See Language page		plant
pineapple	piña	abacaxi	flora-fauna	Ananas comosus		See Language page		plant
pirana	piraña, caribe	piranha	flora-fauna	subfamily Serrasalmidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
porcupine	puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru)	cuandu, porco-espinho	flora-fauna	family Erethizontidae		See Language page
potato	papa	batata	flora-fauna	Solanum tuberosum		See Language page	secondary scrub vegetation	compare entries for sweet potato
potato, sweet potato	camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara	batata-doce	flora-fauna	Ipomoea batatas		See Language page		plant
praying mantis, stick insects	mantis religiosa	louva-a-deus	flora-fauna	order Mantodea, family Mantidae		See Language page
rubber tree (sorva)	caucho, siringa, shiringa	seringa, borracha	flora-fauna	Hevea sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia	tree
scorpion	escorpión; alacran	escorpião	flora-fauna	order Scorpiones		See Language page
seje palm	ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá	patoá, patuá	flora-fauna	Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua		See Language page	mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia	may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
sloth	pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru)	macaco preguica	flora-fauna	Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
small lizard	lagartija	calango	flora-fauna	order Squamata	filʸkuɲ	See Language page		Ranquel form is vilkuɲ.
snail	caracol, churo (Peru)	caracol	flora-fauna	class Gastropoda	pɨθko	See Language page		From Augusta 1915.
snake (generic)	culebra, serpiente	cobra	flora-fauna		filu	See Language page		Ranquel form is čoča.
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake	víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara	jararaca	flora-fauna	Bothrops jararaca/atrox		See Language page	Widespread South America
speckled catfish	surubí, pintadillo	surubim, sorubim	flora-fauna	Pseudoplatystoma sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
spider	araña	aranha	flora-fauna	Arachnidae, Araneae	lʸalʸɨn	See Language page		Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀɨṭ͡ʀɨn; also palʸu.
squash	calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru)	abóbora	flora-fauna	Cucurbita sp.	peŋka	See Language page		From Augusta 1915.
squirrel	ardilla, danta (Ven)	serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo	flora-fauna	family Sciuridae		See Language page
stingray (generic)	rayas látigo, raya	arraia	flora-fauna	Potamotrygon sp.		See Language page
tannia, yautia	huitina (Peru), ñame	taioba branca	flora-fauna	Xanthosoma spp.		See Language page		Ranquel form is koči poɲi.
tapir	sachavaca, danta	anta	flora-fauna	Tapirus terrestris		See Language page
termites, white-ants	comején (Peru), termitas	cupim	flora-fauna	order Isoptera		See Language page
tick	garrapata	carrapato	flora-fauna	superfam Ixodoidea		See Language page
tigerfish	taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru)	traíra	flora-fauna	Hoplias sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
tinamou	tinamu, perdiz, gallineta	inambu, inhambu	flora-fauna	family Tinamidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
toad	sapo	sapo	flora-fauna	order Anura		See Language page
tobacco	tabaco	tabaco	flora-fauna	Nicotiana tabacum	pɨṭ͡ʀem; ṭ͡ʀupa ṭ͡ʀupa	See Language page		From Augusta 1915. Ranquel form is pɨṭ͡ʀem.
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant)	tortuga, morrocoy, motelo	jabutí, tartaruga	flora-fauna	Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria	peyu	See Language page	Widespread	From Augusta 1915.
toucan	tucán, pinsha (Peru)	tucano	flora-fauna	Ramphastos sp.		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia
tree	árbol	arvore	flora-fauna		aliwen; mamɨlʸ	See Language page		Ranquel form is wiṭ͡ʀu, which also is the name of the 'caldén', tree of La Pampa.
tufted capuchin monkey	mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero	macaco prego	flora-fauna	Cebus apella		See Language page
ucuqui	yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru)	ucuqui	flora-fauna	Pouteria ucuqui		See Language page	native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions	other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
vulture	buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru)	urubu	flora-fauna	family Cathartidae		See Language page	Widespread South America	Ranquel form is lʸevalʸ.
wasp	avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa	caba	flora-fauna	order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita	pɨṭ͡ʀokiɲ	See Language page		Ranquel forms are pɨṭ͡ʀokɨn ~ pɨṭ͡ʀokiɲ ~ pɨṭ͡ʀokin.
white-fronted capuchin	Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru)	Caiarara	flora-fauna	Cebus albifrons		See Language page
white-fronted spider monkey	Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia)	macaco aranha, coatá, quatá	flora-fauna	Ateles belzebuth/paniscus		See Language page
white-lipped peccary	Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana	queixada	flora-fauna	Tayassu pecari		See Language page
woodpecker	pájaro carpintero, carpintero	pica-pau	flora-fauna	family Picidae		See Language page	Widespread Amazonia

Showing 1 to 133 of 133 entries

Cultural Vocabulary (97)

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English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Part of Speech	Orthographic Form	Phonemicized Form	Gloss as in Source	Etymology Code	Proto-Form	Proto-Language	Loan Source	Wanderwort Status	Etyma Set	Etymology Notes	Word Structure	Word Structure Notes	General Notes	Source

English	Spanish	Portuguese	Semantic Field	Phonemicized Form	General Notes	Source
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven	tierra do los muertos	terra dos mortos	culture-mythology	wenu mapu	Ranquel form is wenu.	See Language page
arrow	flecha	flecha	subsistence tool	pɨlki	Ranquel form is kewpu ~ kewpɨ, the point of the arrow.	See Language page
axe/stone axe	hacha (de piedra)	machado (de pedra)	subsistence tool	toki	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
bait for fishing	cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru)	isca	subsistence tool		can refer to worms; more generic	See Language page
basin/bowl	tazón, plato hondo, taza	tijela	culture-material	lupe		See Language page
basket (general)	canasta, canasto, cesta	cesto	culture-material	kɨlko; čaywe		See Language page
basket, small	canasta, canasto, cesta	cesto pequeno, tampado	culture-material			See Language page
bead	abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar	miçanga	culture-material	lʸaŋkatu		See Language page
bed	cama	cama	culture-material	ŋɨtantu	Ranquel form is ɨtantɨ ~ nɨtantɨ ~ ŋɨtantɨ.	See Language page
bench, seat	banco, silla, asiento	banco	culture-material	anɨ-peyɨm; [waŋku]	From Spanish 'banco'. Ranquel form is [waŋku].	See Language page
blowgun	cerbatana, pucuna (Peru)	zarabatana	subsistence tool		currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region	See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic)			subsistence tool			See Language page
bottle	botella	garrafa	acculturation			See Language page
bottom grinding stone			manufacture		if different word from top grinding stone	See Language page
bow	arco	arco	subsistence tool	čɨŋfɨl-we	arco	See Language page
broom	escoba	vassoura	culture-material	lepɨ-we	Ranquel form is yɨpɨwe.	See Language page
canoe	canoa	canoa	transport	[fote]	From Span. 'bote'. Ranquel form is [vote].	See Language page
cat	gato	gato	acculturation	narki	Ranquel form is ɲayki.	See Language page
chicken	gallina	galinha	acculturation	piči ačawalʸ	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
chief/leader	jefe, cacique	chefe	culture-mythology	loŋko; [kasike]	First form also means 'head' 04.200. Ranquel form is loŋko.	See Language page
clothing	ropa	roupa	culture-mythology	wesakelu; takun	Ranquel form is wesakelu.	See Language page
club	garrote, cachiporra	clava, porrete	subsistence tool	mamɨlʸ		See Language page
Curupira (spirit type)	Curupira, Madremonte	Curupira	culture-mythology		malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region	See Language page
dart (blowgun)	dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru)	dardo, seta	subsistence tool		hunting and warfare	See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure	dios(es), deidad	divinidade, figura mítica	culture-mythology	ŋɨne-če-n	Ranquel form is ŋɨnečen; pɨta wenṭ͡ʀu; vɨta čao.	See Language page
digging stick			subsistence tool			See Language page
dream	sueño, soñar	sonho, sonhar	culture-mythology	pewma	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
drum	tambor	tambor	culture-mythology	kulṭ͡ʀuŋ	Ranquel form is kulṭ͡ʀun ~ kulṭ͡ʀuŋ.	See Language page
drum (large signal)	tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia)	tambor	culture		Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances	See Language page
fan	abanico	abanador, abano	subsistence tool	mefɨr-we	esp. for fanning a cooking fire	See Language page
feather headdress	plumaje, corona de plumas	enfeite/capacete de penas	culture-mythology			See Language page
fence, palisade	cerco	cerca	other	[koral]	From Spanish 'corral'. Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
fermented drink	masato, chicha	caxiri, chicha	culture	muθay	prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made	See Language page
fetish, charm	fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga	feitiço, puçanga	culture-mythology			See Language page
fireplace	hogar	lareira	other			See Language page
firewood	leña	lenha	other	mamɨlʸ	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
fish (with fish-poison)	pescar con barbasco, barbasquear	pescar com timbó; tinguijar	food			See Language page
fish (with line)	anzuelear, pescar con linea	pescar (com linha)	food			See Language page
fishing line	cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze	linha de pesca	subsistence tool	čalʸwa-peyɨm θef		See Language page
fishtrap	trampa de peces, trampa	matapi, cacuri	subsistence tool	lʸolʸe	As noted in the Museo Araucano, Temuco, Chile.	See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread	pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe	beiju	food		usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits	See Language page
flour/meal from manioc	fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina	farinha	food	rɨŋo	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
flute	flauta, quena (Peru)	flauta	culture-mythology	pifɨlʸka	Ranquel form is pivilka ~ vivilka.	See Language page
game animal	caza, animal de caza	caça, animal de caça	food	kulʸiɲ	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit	espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio	espirito	culture-mythology	pɨlʸɨ		See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl)	cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo	cuia	subsistence tool			See Language page
grater	rallador, rallo	ralador, ralo	subsistence tool		esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well	See Language page
grave	tumba, sepultura, sepulcro	sepultura, sepulcro, cova	culture-mythology	eltun		See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf)	barbacoa	jirau	subsistence tool			See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread	tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru)	forno para beiju	subsistence tool	[rono]	From Span. 'horno'.	See Language page
gun	arma, escopeta	espingarda, fusil	acculturation	ṭ͡ʀalka	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
hammock	hamaca, chinchorro	rede	culture-material			See Language page
hat	sombero	chapéu	dress	[čumpiru]	From Span. 'sombrero'. Ranquel form is čumpiru ~ čimpiru.	See Language page
healer	curandero	benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano)	culture-mythology		Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well.	See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making	canoa para chicha	cocho de caxiri	narcotics			See Language page
honey	miel	mel	food	silʸwiɲ kuram	See 'bee' 03.820.	See Language page
house			other	ruka	Same in Ranquel.	See Language page
hunt	cazar	caçar	food	wiṭ͡ʀutu-n ɣɨɲɨm	With sling-shot. Ranquel form is nɨva-.	See Language page
knife	cuchillo	faca	culture-material	[kučilʸu]	From Spanish 'cuchillo'. Ranquel form is kučilʸo.	See Language page
loincloth	taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla	tanga, tapa-sexo	dress			See Language page
machete	machete	facão	culture-material			See Language page
mortar	mortero	pilão	subsistence tool	ṭ͡ʀana-ṭ͡ʀapi-we	Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀanawe.	See Language page
paddle/oar	remo	remo	transport			See Language page
paint body, body paint	pintura corporal	pintura corporal	culture-mythology			See Language page
panpipe	carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora	caniço, flauta de pã	culture-mythology			See Language page
paper	papel	papel	acculturation	[papel]	From Spanish 'papel'. Ranquel form is [papil].	See Language page
pestle	pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor	mão de pilão	subsistence tool	ɲumkuθi	From Augusta 1915.	See Language page
pipe for tobacco	pipa	cachimbo	other	kiṭ͡ʀa		See Language page
plate	plato	prato	culture-material	soko rali	Ranquel form is rali.	See Language page
policeman	polícia	policía	acculturation			See Language page
pot	olla, pote	panela, vasilha	subsistence tool	čalʸa	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
rattle	matraca, maraca	marico, chocalho	culture-mythology	kaskawilʸa		See Language page
resin	resina, brea, copal	resina, brea, breu	subsistence tool			See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya)	kapiwaya	capiwaya	culture-mythology			See Language page
rope/string	mecate, cuerda, soga	corda	culture	ṭ͡ʀari	Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀay-; pɨro-; ɨkel-.	See Language page
salt	sal	sal	food	čaθi	Ranquel form is čaði.	See Language page
school	escuela	escola	acculturation			See Language page
shaman, healer	chamán, brujo	xaman, pajé, feiticeiro	culture-mythology	kalku	Same form in Ranquel.	See Language page
shoes	zapatos	sapatos	dress	[sapatu]	From Spanish 'zapato'. Ranquel form is sumel ~ čomel.	See Language page
skirt	falda, saya, fustan, pollera	saia	culture-material		Ranquel form is polʸera.	See Language page
soldier	soldado	soldado	acculturation	kon̯a	Also means 'servant'.	See Language page
song (generic)	canción, canto	canção	culture-mythology	ɨlkan-tu	Ranquel form is ɨlkantɨ-.	See Language page
spear	lanza	lança	subsistence tool	wayki	Ranquel form is rɨŋi ~ rɨŋɨ.	See Language page
spearthrower			subsistence tool			See Language page
starch (tapioca, other)	almidón	goma de tapioca	food			See Language page
stone for lighting fires	piedra para hacer fuego	pedra para acender fogo	culture-material			See Language page
sugarcane/sugar	azúcar, caña de azúcar	açucar (de cana)	acculturation	[sapalʸu]	From Spanish 'zapallo'. Ranquel form is sapalʸo; kɨṭ͡ʀan.	See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau	cahuana, caguana	mingau	food		agriculture	See Language page
tattoo	tatuaje, tatu	tatuagem	culture-mythology			See Language page
thatch/roof	crisneja	palha, caraná	culture-material	kɨna ruka		See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer)	tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca	tipiti	food		word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc	See Language page
top grinding stone	metate, mano; piedra de moler	metate, mano	manufacture		use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone	See Language page
tripod for washing manioc	trípode	tripé	subsistence tool		agriculture	See Language page
venom for darts, poison	veneno	curare	subsistence tool		hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?)	See Language page
wax	cera	cera	other	yiwiɲ miski	From Augusta 1915.	See Language page
woven strainer/sieve	colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru)	peneira, cumatá	subsistence tool		agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour	See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women)	yurupari	jurupari	culture-mythology		a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women.	See Language page

Showing 1 to 97 of 97 entries

Grammatical Data (226)

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Category	Grammatical Feature	Grammatical Feature: Notes	Feature Status	Grammatical Notes	Source	General Notes
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Productive NN compounding	Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced	no info
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Productive VV serialization (without compounding)	Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection	yes		Salas 1992, p.192	Although it is not clear if it is a productive pattern of the language.
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Productive VV compounding	Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word	yes	But it is limited to verbs like "know", "have to" or "can" and any other verb to convey modality	Zúñiga 2006, p. 135-9
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions	There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap'	no info	most likely no
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs	Auxiliary verb(s)	There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-78
Morphology - General	Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb)	Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number]	yes	They seem to mark mood, person and number by a single portmanteau morpheme which varies according to those dimensions.	Salas 1992, p.107
Morphology - General	Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes	Stem change, tone	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Morphology - General	Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes)	Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word	yes		Salas 1992, p.111, 113	one morpheme for mood and one for person/number
Morphology - General	Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing	There are many more prefixes than suffixes	no		Salas 1992, p.108-11
Morphology - General	Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing	There are many more suffixes than prefixes	yes		Salas 1992, p.108-11	at least this is true for verbs
Morphology - General	Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred	The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different	no		Salas 1992, p.108-11
Morphology - General	Reduplication: full	The full morpheme is reduplicated	yes		Salas 1992, p.188	Full reduplication is used to convey "duration in time". In addition to verbal full reduplication a morpheme which specifies the kind of duration needs to co-occur.
Morphology - General	Reduplication: partial	Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated	no		Salas 1992, p.188
Morphology - Incorporation	Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process	Verb contains nominal segment	yes		Salas 1992, p.195-6	The object is attached right after the verb and then verbal morphology is atached as in a "normal" verb.
Morphology - Incorporation	Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs	Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-78
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Adpositions mark core NPs	Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: number of cases	Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun	0	There are adpositions to mark oblique cases (non-core ones). In the source, there are only listed 3 adpositions but one of them has many different meanings	Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked	Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: symmetrical	All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity)	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: asymmetrical	Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: suffix or postpositional clitic		yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: prefix or prepositional clitic		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: infix or inpositional clitic		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: stem change		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: tone		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions	Case: comitative = instrumental	Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument'	no info
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Definite or specific articles	Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only	no	The author suggets that this category is being grammaticalized in the new genereations of speakers (probably because the influence of Spanish) but this feature does not occur in the traditional language.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives	Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Indefinite or non-specific article	or marker	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals	Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound)		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number)	Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system	yes	4 different distance forms	Zúñiga 2006, p, 92
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity	Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.)		no		Zúñiga 2006, p, 92
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Noun classes/genders	Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Number of noun classes/genders	Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders)	Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain.	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates	Masculine, feminine, neuter	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system	Animate/inanimate, human/non-human	no	However, there is special marking of animate nouns whereas innanimate nouns do not have this distinction	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns	add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	"Repeater" classifiers	Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot"	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals)	Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification	Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns	Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.'	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Singular number may be marked on the noun	Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups	no	unmarked for for singulars	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural affix on noun		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural marked by reduplication of noun		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural word/clitic		yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Plural marked on human or animate nouns only		yes	Only animate nouns can get the plural word pu; inanimates are not formally distinguished for number.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number	Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix	Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns	no	However, this language distinguishes between singular, dual and plural personal pronouns which are expressed by more-or-less supletive pronoun forms	Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-99
Nominal Categories - Number	Unique associative plural marker	e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them'	no info	probably not
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Base-2	At least some part of the system involves base-2	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Base-5	At least some part of the system involves base-5	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Base-10	At least some part of the system involves base-10	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Other base (specify)	4, 20, etc.	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5	e.g. two = 'eye-quantity'	no info	apparently no
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Numerals do not go above 5	'Many' or some other non-exact term used	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals	Numerals do not go above 10	'Many' or some other non-exact term used	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Other nominal	Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates	i.e. nominal or adjectival	no	Actually, in the non-verbal predicates there is no copula. So, neither tense nor person is marked.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 225
Nominal Categories - Other nominal	Person inflection on non-verbal predicates	i.e. nominal or adjectival	no	To mark possession of pronouns, it is like the first kind of the pronoun is dropped out ad the remaining is the possessive pronoun. It seems that it is better characterized as suppletive forms.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 225
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Gender in 3sg pronouns		no
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Gender in 3pl pronouns		no
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 97
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Formal/informal distinction in pronouns	Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories	Reflexive pronouns	e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives	Underived adjectives	There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 187-9
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives	Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP	There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 187-9
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival)	There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb	no info
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer)	There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb	no info	However, there are other nominalizers such as /-wen/ which derives associatives plurals from nouns; /-we/ which derives intruments or locations and /-ntu/ which derives nouns where yhere is plenty of the substance denoted by the noun.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song)	There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb	no info		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Nominal Syntax - Derivation	Productive verbalizing morphology	There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective	yes	However, the main strategy to verbalize nouns and adjective (and even any word category) is by zero nominalization. In other words, the noun or adjective (or other grammatical category) just takes verbal morphology (like tense) to behave as a verb.	Salas 1992, p.193-5	It seems that verbalization is possible by only adding verbal morphology to nouns or adjectives. However, there are certain nouns which require a verbalizer suffix. Further, there are some verbalizers which derive meanigs as: "become X" or "to perfomr the
Nominal Syntax - Other	NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently	'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary'	no info
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N	alienable/inalienable?	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N	alienable/inalienable?	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent	e.g. 'the boy-'s dog'	no info	There is no info on possession where both NPs are nouns.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head	e.g. 'the boy his-dog'	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession	Possessive classifiers	There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Morphological marking of inalienable possession	Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun)	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Morphological marking of alienable possession	Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun)	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed	An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Inalienable possession of kin terms	'my-father' but *father	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal)	'my-leg' but *leg	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability	Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed	Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man)	no info	most likely not	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Phonology - Segmental	Pre-/post-nasalized stops	Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive.	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental	Glottalized/ejective consonants	Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative]	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental	Palatalized stops	Phonemic contrast	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental	Phonemic vowel length	Does the language have long and short vowels?	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental	Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels		no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental	Complex onsets	Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme	no		Salas 1992, p.81
Phonology - Segmental	No codas	*(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained]	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92	there are codas
Phonology - Segmental	Word-final coda required	Do all syllables end in a consonant?	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Contrastive tones	Note how many contrastive tones	no		Salas 1992, p.85	tone differences are correlate to main stres and secondary stress
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Contrastive stress	Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference?	no		Salas 1992, p.83
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable	In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments	no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries	Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to?	no info		Salas 1992, p.73-92	probably not
Phonology - Suprasegmental	Vowel harmony		no		Salas 1992, p.73-92
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative	Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative	Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked	no	Nouns and pronouns do not receive case. Thus, it can be argued that they show a neutral alignment	Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive	Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite	Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive	Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep)	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive	yes, no, mixed, other	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative	Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive	yes, no, mixed, other	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical	Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3)	yes		Salas 1992, p.125; Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9	this marking happens as verbal suffixes with respect to whcih argument is the "focus" fo the sentence rather than being driven by A or P relations. The ranking is as follows: 1>2>3 (definite)>3 (indefinite)
Simple Clauses - Alignment	Alignment of verbal person-marking: split	More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc.	no		Salas 1992, p.125; Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions	Grammaticalized verbal desiderative	Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it)	no info	Probably not
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: interrogative particle	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle	yes	This seems to be the same interrogative particle used for content questions. But the interrogative particle does not appear always. There may be some polar interrogatives which are only distinguished fron declaratives by intonation.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: verb morphology	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: word order	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion)	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Polar questions: intonation only	Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only	no	Apart from intonation, there may be some question marking	Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives	Content questions: word order differs from declaratives	Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.)	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Negation	Clausal negator is a preposed element	Clausal negator is a preposed element	no
Simple Clauses - Negation	Clausal negator is a postposed element	Clausal negator is a postposed element	yes	These are verbal suffixes	Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: affix	Negatives: affix	yes		Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: particle	Negatives: particle	no		Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: auxiliary verb	Negatives: auxiliary verb	no		Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation	Negatives: double	Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas'	no		Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation	Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist'		no info		Zúñiga 2006, 87-9
Simple Clauses - Negation	Distinct negative expression 'I don't know'	Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase	no info
Simple Clauses - Other	Clause chaining	Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause.	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Other	Morphologically marked switch-reference system	There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Other	Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses	Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Predication	Predicate adjectives: verbal	Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position	no	It is conveyed by just juxtaposing the elements	Zúñiga 2006, p. 225-7
Simple Clauses - Predication	Predicate adjectives: nominal	Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 225-7
Simple Clauses - Predication	Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible	Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all)	yes	It is the regular pattern	Zúñiga 2006, p. 225-7
Simple Clauses - Predication	Headless relative clauses	Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head)	no info
Simple Clauses - Predication	Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause	Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses.	no info
Simple Clauses - Predication	Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker	It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 249
Simple Clauses - Predication	Relativizer is a verbal affix		no	There is no relativizer	Zúñiga 2006, p. 249
Simple Clauses - Predication	Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer	The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes)	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 249
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position	Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb	Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option)	no		Salas 1992, p.116
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb	Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option)	yes		Salas 1992, p.116
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host	Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc.	no		Salas 1992, p.116; Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position	Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects	no		Salas 1992, p.116; Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Person marking on intransitive verbs	Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes	yes	Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs	Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers	yes	Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs	Transitive verbs take object (P) markers	yes	Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects	3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system	no	Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects	3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system	no	Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Number can be marked separately from person on the verb	Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately	yes		Salas 1992, p.115
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers	Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7, 104-7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking	Gender distinguished in verbal person markers	For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice	Ditransitive constructions: indirect object	In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently	no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice	Ditransitive constructions: double object	In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives	no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice	Ditransitive constructions: secondary object	In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently	no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme	Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal.	no		Salas 1992, p.129-30
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Reflexive: dedicated morpheme	Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive.	no	Same form as reciprocal	Salas 1992, p.129
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme	Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb	yes		Salas 1992, p.129-30
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Passive	Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 119
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Antipassive	Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing	Other intransitivizing morphology	There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency	no		Salas 1992, p.185-95
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Applicative: benefactive	Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 123-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Applicative: other	Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb	yes	The new added argument is the person negatively affected by the action (malefactive)	Zúñiga 2006, p. 123-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: prefix	Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 123-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: suffix	Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb	yes	Notice that this suffix is similar in form to the transitivizer /-l/. So, it may be possible to argue that the suffix /-l/ has two functions: causative and transitivizer.	Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone	Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix	no		Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: serial verb or analytical construction	Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization	no		Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy'	Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.'	no info		Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Causative: dedicated sociative	Indicates that causer participates in event	no		Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing	Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence)	There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency	yes		Salas 1992, p.186-7	There are other transitivizers which, in general, are very similar on form to the caustives
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Dedicated past marker(s)	Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere	yes	However, verbs may be in past tense even when this suffix does not show up. Further, this suffix also expresses other meanings such as adversative in coordinate sentences and "lack of relevance".	Salas 1992, p.140-1
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference	e.g. distant vs. recent past	no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference	e.g. imminent vs. distant future	no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Dedicated future or non-past marker(s)		yes	It appears before the mood marker and after negation	Salas 1992, p.142, Zúñiga 2006, p.129-30	There is also a future tense which expresses a conditioned action in the future.
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect affixes: prefix		no		Salas 1992, p.142, Zúñiga 2006, p.129-30
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect affixes: suffix		yes		Salas 1992, p.142, Zúñiga 2006, p.129-30
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut		no
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense	Tense-aspect suppletion		no		Zúñiga 2006, p.129-39
Verbal Categories - Directionals	Directional elements affixed to the verb	There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc.	yes	These suffixes are more related to the location where the event takes place, or if the participants are coming in or away a reference point	Zúñiga 2006, p. 168-72
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized visual	Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 155-9
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized nonvisual	Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt)	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 155-9
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized inferential	Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker.	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 155-9
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized reportive	Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly'	yes		Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Grammaticalized quotative	Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse	no		Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Other evidential	Any other evidential values not represented above	no info
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic		yes		Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: part of tense system	Includes portmanteau morphs	no		Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: separate particle		no		Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality	Evidentiality: modal morpheme		no		Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Mood	Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form	There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood	yes	The form of this morpheme is based on the examples in the source and not explicitly defined as such by the author.	Salas 1992, p.112	There are morphemes for first person, second (singular and plura), third person and exhortatives
Verbal Categories - Mood	Polite imperative morpheme	There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language)	no info	probably not
Verbal Categories - Mood	Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses	There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p.110-11
Verbal Categories - Mood	Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative)	as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing'	no	But there is marking of imperatives for 1, 2 and 3 person (and number is not distinguished)	Zúñiga 2006, p.106-11
Verbal Categories - Mood	Situational possibility: affix on verb	Inflectional marking of capacity to do something	no		Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood	Situational possibility: verbal construction		no		Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood	Situational possibility: other marking		yes	verbal compounding where the first verb is the verb meaning "can" pepi	Zúñiga 2006, p.136
Verbal Categories - Mood	Epistemic possibility: affix on verb	Modal expressing hypothesis	no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Epistemic possibility: verbal construction		no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Epistemic possibility: other marking		no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Marking of expected/unexpected action or result	There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected	no		Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood	Verbal frustrative	Modal expressing frustration ("in vain")	no		Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood	Verbal habitual	Modal expressing habituality	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p.160
Verbal Categories - Mood	Apprehensive construction	There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens'	no info
Verbal Categories - Mood	Reality status marking on verbs	There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events'	no info	most likely not
Verbal Categories - Mood	Affect markers (positive/negative)	Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative	no info
Verbal Categories - Other	Social interaction markers	Note the type of interaction	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-5
Verbal Categories - Verbal number	Verbal number suppletion		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-5
Word Order	No fixed basic constituent order		yes	It depends mostly on pragmatics and the inverse system.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order	VS in intransitive clauses	Verb precedes subject	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order	VS in transitive clauses		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order	VO in transitive clauses	Verb precedes object	yes	But it is the preferred order, not the only possible order.	Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order	OS in transitive clauses	Object precedes subject	no	But it is possible though not the most frequent	Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order	Preposition-Noun		yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Word Order	Noun-Postposition or case suffix		yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Word Order	Gen-Noun	Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book)	no info
Word Order	Noun-Gen	Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John')	no info
Word Order	Adj-Noun	Adjective precedes the noun	no info
Word Order	Noun-Adj	Adjective follows the noun	no info
Word Order	Dem-Noun		yes		Salas 1992, p. 97
Word Order	Noun-Dem		no		Salas 1992, p. 97
Word Order	Num-Noun		yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Word Order	Noun-Num		no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Word Order	Noun-Rel	Relative clause follows noun that it modifies	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order	Rel-Noun	Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order	Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative)	e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away')	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order	Relative clause is correlative or adjoined	e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat'	no		Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order	Question word is clause initial	'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause	yes		Zúñiga 2006, p. 254

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