Languages of hunter-gatherers and their neighbors

Mapudungun

Family
Araucanian
Region
South America
ISO 639-3
arn
Location
-38.74°, -71.28°
Notes
Features
Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
Data Sources
Garay (Ranquel), Ana V. Fernández, María Catrileo, Mary Ritchie Key. 2007. Mapudungun. Intercontinental Dictionary Series, ed. Mary Ritchie Key. http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/ids/ Salas, Adalberto. 1992. El mapuche o araucano. Editorial Mapfre, Madrid. Zúñiga, Fernando. 2006. Mapudungun: El habla mapuche. Centro de Estudios Públicos, Santiago de Chile.


Basic Vocabulary (191)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes General Notes Source
above encima, arriba acima location wente Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
and y e grammar See Language page
ash ceniza(s) cinzas environment ṭ͡ʀufken Cf. 'dust' 01.213. Ranquel form is livṭ͡ʀuvken. See Language page
at en, a em, a location See Language page
back espalda costas body furi Ranquel form is vɨri. See Language page
bad mal mal quality weθa Ranquel form is weða. See Language page
belly barriga barriga body pɨṭ͡ʀa Ranquel form is piuke, same as 'heart'. See Language page
below abajo, debajo abaixo location minče; pɨlom; naɣeltu Ranquel form is minče ~ miɲče. See Language page
big grande grande quality fɨta Ranquel form is pɨṭ͡ʀɨ. See Language page
black negro preto colour kurɨ Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
blood sangre sangue body molʸfɨɲ Ranquel form is molʸvɨn ~ molʸvɨɲ ~ molʸvin. See Language page
boil/pimple espinilla, granos espinha, borbulha body moy Ranquel forms are muyun ~ muy ~ moy. See Language page
bone hueso osso body foro Also means' tooth'. Ranquel form is voro. See Language page
breast pecho, seno peito body moyo Ranquel forms: moyo; ŋɨlʸa. See Language page
child niño, niña criança human piči-če Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
cloud nube nuvem environment ṭ͡ʀomɨ Ranquel forms are ṭ͡ʀomɨ; ṭ͡ʀav-ṭ͡ʀomɨ. See Language page
cold frío frio quality wɨṭ͡ʀe; aṭ͡ʀeɣ; čiθ Ranquel form is uṭ͡ʀe-; aṭ͡ʀew. See Language page
correct/true verdad, de veras verdade quality nor; kɨme See Language page
day día dia time an̯tɨ Also means 'sun' 01.520. Ranquel form is antɨ. See Language page
dirty sucio sujo quality poθ Ranquel form is porŋe-. See Language page
dingo/wolf fauna See Language page
dry seco seco quality piwɨn Ranquel form is aŋkɨkɨle-, verb; aŋkɨn, adj. See Language page
dull/blunt sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo maçante, desamolado, não afiado quality moṭ͡ʀo Ranquel form is močo. See Language page
dust polvo poeira environment ṭ͡ʀufɨr Ranquel form is kuyɨm. See Language page
ear oreja orelha body pilun Same in Ranquel. See Language page
earth/soil tierra terra environment mapu Same form in Ranquel. Also Ranquel ṭ͡ʀuvken. See Language page
egg huevo ovo fauna kuram Cf. 'stone' 01.440. Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
eye ojo olho body ŋe Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
far lejos longe quality kamapu Ranquel forms: alɨmapu; kamapu. See 'earth' 01.210. See Language page
fat/grease grasa gordura body yiwiɲ Ranquel form is yuwin ~ yiwiɲ. See Language page
father padre, papá pai kinship čaw Ranquel form is čao ~ čaw. See Language page
feather pluma pena fauna pičuɲ Ranquel form is ŋɨpɨ. See Language page
fire fuego fogo environment kɨṭ͡ʀal Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
flower flor flor environment rayen Ranquel form is čičiken. See Language page
fog niebla, neblina nevoeira, bruma, neblina environment ṭ͡ʀukur Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
fruit fruta fruta flora fɨn̯ From Augusta 1915. See Language page
good bueno bom quality kɨme Same in Ranquel. See Language page
hair (of head) cabello cabelo body loŋko Also means 'chief' 19.240. Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
hand mano mão body kuwɨ Ranquel form is kɨwɨ ~ kuɨ. See Language page
3sg el/ella ele/ela grammar inčiɲ Plural form. Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
head cabeza cabeça body loŋko Same in Ranquel. See Language page
heavy pesado pesado quality fane Ranquel form is vane-. See Language page
how? como como grammar čumweči Ranquel form is čum; čumeči ~ čumŋeči. See Language page
1sg yo eu grammar in-če Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
if si se grammar See Language page
in/inside dentro, adentro dentro location ponwi; pu Ranquel form is punwi; pu. See Language page
intestines intestinos intestinos body kɨlče Ranquel forms are kɨlče; lʸoŋo. See Language page
lake lago lago environment l̯afken̯ Ranquel form is lavken. See Language page
leaf hoja folha environment tapɨl̯ Ranquel form is tapɨl. See Language page
left/left hand izquierdo esquerdo location/body wele Same in Ranquel. See Language page
leg/foot pierna perna body čaŋ Ranquel form is čan ~ čaŋ. See Language page
lightning rayo, relámpago relampago environment lʸɨfke Ranquel form is wilɨvɨ, noun. See Language page
liver hígado figado body ke Ranquel form is vukuɲ ~ vukuiɲ. See Language page
long largo comprido, longo quality al̯ɨ-amu-n See Language page
louse piollo, piojo piolho fauna t̯ɨn̯ Ranquel forms are tɨn, of the hair; pɨṭ͡ʀar, of the body. See Language page
man/male hombre homem human wenṭ͡ʀu Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
meat/flesh carne carne fauna ilo Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
moon luna lua environment kɨyen̯ Ranquel form is kɨyen. See Language page
mother madre, mamá mãe kinship ɲuke Same form in Ranquel. Affectionate form in Ranquel is ɲaɲa. See Language page
mouth boca boca body wɨn̯ Ranquel form is wɨn. See Language page
name nombre nome human ɨy Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
near/close cerca de perto quality pɨlʸe Ranquel form is pičiṭ͡ʀipale-. See Language page
nape base del cuello, nuca nuca body t̯opel̯ Ranquel form is to-pel. See Language page
neck cuello pescoço body pel̯ Ranquel form is pel. See Language page
new nuevo novo quality we Same in Ranquel. See Language page
night noche noite time pun̯ Ranquel form is pun. See Language page
no/not no não grammar See Language page
nose nariz nariz body yu Same in Ranquel. See Language page
old viejo velho quality fɨča; kuse Respectively: male; female. Ranquel forms: vɨta; kuðe. See Language page
one uno um number kiɲe Same in Ranquel. See Language page
other otro outro grammar See Language page
pain/painful/sick dolor, doloroso, enfermo dor, doloroso, doente body kuṭ͡ʀan Same in Ranquel. See Language page
person/human being persona pessoa human če Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
rain lluvia chuva environment mawɨn̯ Ranquel form is mawɨn. See Language page
red rojo vermelho colour kelɨ Ranquel form is kelɨ ~ kolɨ. See Language page
right/right hand derecha direita location/body man See Language page
road/path camino caminho manufacture rupa-peyɨm Ranquel form is piči rɨpɨ. See Language page
root raíz raiz flora folil Ranquel form is volil. See Language page
rotten podrido podre quality funa-n Ranquel form is vunan-. See Language page
sand arena areia environment kuyɨm Ranquel form is kulʸpað. See Language page
sharp afilado, filudo, filoso afiado quality yuŋe Same in Ranquel. See Language page
short corto curto quality piči; piči pɨra See Language page
shoulder hombro ombro body yupi Ranquel form is lipan. See Language page
shy/ashamed tímido, vergonzoso timido, com vergonha mental yewe-n Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
skin piel pele body ṭ͡ʀɨlke Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
sky cielo céu environment wenu Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
small pequeño pequeno quality piči Same in Ranquel. See Language page
smoke humo fumaça environment fiṭ͡ʀun Ranquel form is piṭ͡ʀun. See Language page
star estrella estrela environment waŋɨlen̯ Ranquel form is waŋɨlen. See Language page
stick/wood palo pau, vara flora mamɨlʸ Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
stone piedra pedra environment kura Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
tail cola, rabo rabo body kɨlen Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
that ese/esa esse grammar See Language page
3pl ellos/ellas eles/elas grammar feyeŋɨn 'They (dual)' is feyeŋu. Ranquel form is kiðueŋɨn; dual kiðueŋu. See Language page
thick grueso, gordo, espeso grosso quality fɨta-rume Ranquel form is pɨṭ͡ʀɨrume; pɨtarume. See Language page
thin delgado fino quality piči-rume Ranquel form is pɨtɨrume, (affective form) ~ pičirume. See Language page
this este/esta este grammar See Language page
2sg xx xx grammar fey Ranquel form is kiðu. See Language page
throat garganta garganta body pel̯ Ranquel form is pel. See Language page
three tres tres number kɨla Same in Ranquel. See Language page
thunder truenos trovão environment ṭ͡ʀalkan Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀɨnɨnɨ-, verb. See Language page
bite morder morder body ɣɨnatu Ranquel form is ɨnato- ~ ɨnatɨ-. See Language page
blow soplar soprar body pimu Same in Ranquel. See Language page
breathe respirar respirar body n̯eyen̯ Ranquel form is neyi-. See Language page
burn quemar queimar environment lɨpɨmɨ-wɨ Ranquel forms: lɨv- ~ lev; lɨvkon- ~ levkon-. See Language page
chew masticar, mascar mastigar body čaŋafɨ Ranquel form is ɨčovɨn- ~ ɨčovan- ~ ɨčavane-. See Language page
climb subir subir motion rono-pɨra; wenu-pɨra Ranquel form is pɨra-; wenopɨra. See Language page
come venir vir motion kɨpa Same in Ranquel. See Language page
cook cocinar cozinhar impact θewma iyaelɨ See Language page
count contar contar mental raki Same in Ranquel. See Language page
cry llorar chorar mental ŋɨma Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
cut/hack cortar cortar impact kaṭ͡ʀɨ Same in Ranquel. See Language page
die/be dead morir morrer state l̯a Ranquel form is la-. See Language page
dig cavar cavar impact rɨŋa Same in Ranquel. See Language page
dream soñar sonhar mental pewma Same in Ranquel. See Language page
drink beber, tomar beber body pɨto-ko, putu ko is 'water'. The latter refers to d. alcohol. Ranquel form is pɨto-kon, 'drink water'. See Language page
eat comer comer body i Ranquel forms are i-; ilo-tɨ-n; cf. 'meat' 05.610. See Language page
fall caer cair motion ɨṭ͡ʀɨf-naɣɨ; ṭ͡ʀanɨ Ranquel forms: ɨṭ͡ʀɨnaw-; ṭ͡ʀan-; naw-. See Language page
fear miedo medo mental lʸika-n Ranquel form is lʸika- ~ lʸɨka-. See Language page
flow fluir fluir motion wiṭ͡ʀu Ranquel form is weyu-. See Language page
fly volar voar motion mɨpɨ Also means 'wing' 04.392. Ranquel form is pɨlpɨl- ~ pɨnpɨn-. See Language page
grow crecer crescer state ṭ͡ʀemɨ Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀem-. See Language page
hear oír ouvir mental alʸkɨ Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
hide esconder esconder motion elʸka-lɨ Ranquel form is elʸka. See Language page
hit golpear, pegar bater impact kupafɨ Ranquel forms: wima-; pavo-; kupav-; tu-; poṭ͡ʀikɨnɨ-. See Language page
hold correr, asegurar, sostener segurar other nɨ-nie See Language page
kill matar matar impact l̯aŋɨmɨ Ranquel form is laŋɨm-. See Language page
know/be knowledgeable saber, conecer saber, conhecer mental kimɨ Ranquel form is kim-. See Language page
laugh reír rir mental aye; aye-kawɨ Ranquel form is aye. See Language page
lie down acostarse, echarse deitar motion kuθu; ṭ͡ʀana-kɨnu-wɨ Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀanakɨnɨ- ~ ṭ͡ʀanakɨne-. See Language page
live/be alive vivir viver, morar body moŋen Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
open/uncover abrir abrir other nɨla Ranquel form is ɨla-. See Language page
pound/beat machacar, golpear bater impact [puɲete] From Spanish 'puɲete'. See Language page
say decir dizer mental feypi Ranquel form is pi-. See Language page
scratch rascar rasgar impact See Language page
see ver ver mental pe Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
shoot tirar, disparar, balear atirar impact ṭ͡ʀalka-tu See Language page
sit sentar(se) sentar state anɨ The morpheme is included in 'buttocks' 04.464. Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
sleep dormir dormir body umautu Ranquel form is umawtɨ-. See Language page
sniff/smell olfatear, oler cheirar body n̯ɨmɨ-tu Ranquel form is nɨmɨ-. See Language page
spit escupir cuspir body tofkɨ Ranquel form is tɨvk-. See Language page
split partir, dividir rachar, dividir, partir impact waṭ͡ʀo-ka, ṭ͡ʀafo-ka Ranquel form is uðanente-. See Language page
squeeze estrujar, exprimir espremer impact kɨṭ͡ʀɨ See Language page
stab/pierce apuñalar, acuchillar apunhalar impact čɨŋarɨ Same in Ranquel. See Language page
stand estar de pié ficar em pé state wiṭ͡ʀa Ranquel form is uṭ͡ʀa-. See Language page
steal robar roubar other weɲe Ranquel forms: winkɨ-; weɲe-. See Language page
suck chupar chupar body fočiθɨ Ranquel form is voči- ~ woči-. See Language page
swell hincharse inchar body kunaw Ranquel forms: pawɨw- ~ pawaw-. See Language page
swim nadar nadar motion weyel̯ɨ Ranquel form is weyɨl-. See Language page
think pensar pensar mental raki-θuamɨ Ranquel form is rakiðwam-. See Language page
throw tirar, lanzar atirar, jogar impact ɨṭ͡ʀɨfɨ Ranquel form is ɨṭ͡ʀɨv-. See Language page
tie up/fasten atar, amarrar amarrar impact kɨθaw Ranquel form is kiðaw-. See Language page
turn girar, volter, torcer virar other wiɲo-kintu Ranquel form is wiɲokintɨ-. See Language page
vomit vomitar vomitar body rapi Same in Ranquel. See Language page
walk caminar, andar andar motion ṭ͡ʀeka Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
work trabajar trabalhar other kɨṭ͡ʀawa From Augusta 1915. See Language page
yawn bostezar bocejar body ɨŋapu Rnaquel form is ɨŋav- ~ ɨnav-. See Language page
tongue lengua lingua body kewɨn̯ Ranquel formis kewɨn. See Language page
tooth diente dente body foro Also means 'bone'. Ranquel form is voro. See Language page
two dos dois number epu Same in Ranquel. See Language page
water agua agua environment ko Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
1pl.incl nosotros (inclusivo) nós (inclusivo) grammar inčiɲ Plural form. Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
1pl.excl nosotros (exclusivo) nós (exclusivo) grammar inčiɲ Plural form. See Language page
wet mojado molhado quality kɨlčaf; narfen Ranquel form is ɨrele-. See Language page
what? que, qué que grammar čem Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
when? cuando quando grammar čumɨl Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
where? donde onde grammar čew Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
white blanco branco colour liɣ Ranquel form is pɨlan. See Language page
who? quien, quién quem grammar iɲey Ranquel form is iɲe ~ iɲey ~ iɲ ~ ɲi. See Language page
wife esposa esposa kinship kure; θomo Ranquel forms are kure; ðomo-če. See Language page
wind viento vento environment kɨrɨf Ranquel form is kɨrɨv. See Language page
wing ala asa body mɨpɨ Also means 'fly 10.370. Ranquel form is ŋɨpɨ. See Language page
woman/female mujer mulher human θomo Ranquel form is ðomo. See Language page
yellow amarillo amarelo colour čoθ Ranquel form is čoð. See Language page
2pl ustedes vocês grammar eymɨn 'You (dual)' is eymu. Same forms in Ranquel. See Language page
foot pie pé body n̯amun̯ Ranquel forms: namun; maṭ͡ʀa. See Language page
again de nuevo, otra vez de novo grammar ka Same in Ranquel. See Language page
all todo todos other kom Same in Ranquel. See Language page
ankle tobillo tornozelo body pali-pali Ranquel form is lʸoŋkosewɨ; lʸoŋkoya ~ ɨŋkoy; čoŋo-čoŋo. See Language page
armpit axila, sobaco axila body puɲ-lipaŋ; puɲpuya See Language page
faeces heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol fezes body me Same in Ranquel. See Language page
lung pulmón pulmão body pon̯on̯ Ranquel form is ponon. See Language page
sweat sudar suor, suar body arofɨ Ranquel form is arov- ~ arɨv-. See Language page
itch hormiguear, sentir comezón coçar body ɲay-ɲay Ranquel form is ɨna-. See Language page
bark corteza casca environment ṭ͡ʀolɨf See Language page
fingernail uña unha body wili Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
heart corazón coração body piwke Ranquel form is piuke. See Language page
sun sol sol time an̯tɨ Also means 'day' 14.410. Ranquel form is antɨ. See Language page
mountain/hill montaña, colina, loma, cerro morro, serra environment wiŋkul mapu Ranquel form is mawiða. See Language page
green verde verde quality karɨ Ranquel forms: nɨkɨ; karɨ. See Language page
hot caliente quente quality are Ranquel form is arele-, verb; are, adj. See Language page


Flora Fauna Vocabulary (133)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Linnean Name Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Range of Term Word Structure Word Structure Notes Classifier Classifier Notes Hypernym Source Association with Social Categories Ritual/Mythologically Significant Ritual Notes Food Source Food Notes Medicinal Medicinal Notes How Collected Who Collects How Prepared Psychotropic Psychotropic Notes Traded Trade Notes Distribution Habitat Dangerous Ethnobiology Notes Species Notes General Notes
horse caballo cavalho flora-fauna Equus caballus See Language page
bat murciélago morcego flora-fauna Chiroptera spp. piɲuyke See Language page From Febrès 1764.
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna ɣɨɲɨm See Language page Ranquel form is ɨɲɨm.
curassow mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini) mutum flora-fauna Crax sp., Nothocrax sp. See Language page Amazonia
toucan tucán, pinsha (Peru) tucano flora-fauna Ramphastos sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
gray-winged trumpeter Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris jacamim flora-fauna Psophia crepitans See Language page Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões
guan pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru) jacu flora-fauna Penelope sp. See Language page Different types have different localized ranges
tinamou tinamu, perdiz, gallineta inambu, inhambu flora-fauna family Tinamidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
hummingbird colibrí, picaflor (Peru) beija-flor flora-fauna family Trochilidae See Language page Widespread
kingfisher martín pescador, catalan (Peru) martim-pescador flora-fauna family Alcedinidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
owl (large) búho, lechuza corujão flora-fauna order Strigiformes čiwɨθ See Language page Widespread Ranquel form is pekeɲ ~ pekin.
macaw ara, guacamaya Arara flora-fauna family Psittacidae; Ara sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
parrot loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib) papagaio flora-fauna Amazona amazonica rawilʸma; čoroy See Language page Widespread
dove paloma pomba flora-fauna family Columbidae kono See Language page Ranquel form for 'pigeon' is maykono.
hawk halcón, gavilán gavião flora-fauna family Accipitridae See Language page Ranquel form is kɨčɨ-kɨčɨ.
vulture buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru) urubu flora-fauna family Cathartidae See Language page Widespread South America Ranquel form is lʸevalʸ.
duck pato pato, marreco flora-fauna Anatidae family [patu] See Language page Ranquel form is [ pato]. From Spanish 'pato'.
great egret Garza Blanca, Guyratî Garça-Branca-Grande flora-fauna Ardea alba See Language page Widespread South America
woodpecker pájaro carpintero, carpintero pica-pau flora-fauna family Picidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna Canis famililaris ṭ͡ʀewa See Language page Not native; widespread Same form in Ranquel.
dog (wild; bush dog) sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta cachorro-do-mato flora-fauna Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis See Language page Widespread Amazonia
anteater oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus tamanduá flora-fauna Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater) See Language page Widespread Amazonian lowlands
armadillo armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo) tatu flora-fauna family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri See Language page Widespread in Amazonia
sloth pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru) macaco preguica flora-fauna Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
alligator, black caiman babilla; cachirre jacaré flora-fauna Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp. See Language page Throughout Amazonia Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
electric eel anguila eléctrica poraquê flora-fauna Electrophorus electricus See Language page
fish (generic) pez peixe flora-fauna čalʸwa See Language page Same form in Ranquel.
pacu fish palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru) pacu flora-fauna Mylossoma sp. See Language page
pirana piraña, caribe piranha flora-fauna subfamily Serrasalmidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
tigerfish taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru) traíra flora-fauna Hoplias sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
mandi catfish maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish) mandi flora-fauna Auchenipterus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
speckled catfish surubí, pintadillo surubim, sorubim flora-fauna Pseudoplatystoma sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
toad sapo sapo flora-fauna order Anura See Language page
iguana iguana, garipiares (Colombia) camaleão flora-fauna Iguana sp. See Language page iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
small lizard lagartija calango flora-fauna order Squamata filʸkuɲ See Language page Ranquel form is vilkuɲ.
stingray (generic) rayas látigo, raya arraia flora-fauna Potamotrygon sp. See Language page
crab cangrejo caranguejo flora-fauna infraorder Brachyura See Language page
anaconda anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande sucuri flora-fauna genus Eunectes See Language page Widespread Amazonia
boa boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura jiboia flora-fauna family Boidae, subf. Boinae See Language page
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna filu See Language page Ranquel form is čoča.
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara jararaca flora-fauna Bothrops jararaca/atrox See Language page Widespread South America
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant) tortuga, morrocoy, motelo jabutí, tartaruga flora-fauna Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria peyu See Language page Widespread From Augusta 1915.
Amazon dolphin bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco) boto cor-de-rosa flora-fauna Inia geoffrensis See Language page Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls
mushroom champiñón, hongo cogumelo flora-fauna (any edible generic) See Language page prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
black palm bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá bacaba flora-fauna Oenocarpus bacaba See Language page Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
açai palm huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia) açaí flora-fauna Euterpe sp. See Language page floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia
miriti palm moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti buriti flora-fauna Mauritia flexuosa See Language page Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps trunks contain sago-like starch
palm for roof thatch pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná caraná flora-fauna Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana See Language page Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests palm
paxiuba palm pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba paxiuba flora-fauna Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea See Language page Widespread Amazonia palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol) pupunha flora-fauna Bactris gasipaes See Language page
seje palm ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá patoá, patuá flora-fauna Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua See Language page mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
coca coca coca flora-fauna Erythroxylum coca See Language page secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes plant
cotton algodón algodão flora-fauna Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers) See Language page secondary scrub vegetation plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
kapok ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.) sumaumeira flora-fauna Ceiba pentandra See Language page northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas tree
hot pepper ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru) pimenta flora-fauna Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens ṭ͡ʀapi See Language page secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden Same form in Ranquel.
peanut maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete amendoim flora-fauna Arachis hypogaea See Language page plant
pineapple piña abacaxi flora-fauna Ananas comosus See Language page plant
arrow cane, wildcane caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio flora-fauna Gynerium sagittatum See Language page tropical regions, especially river banks plant
banana, plantain banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano banana flora-fauna Musa sp. See Language page Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
beans frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas) feijão flora-fauna Phaseolus spp. θeŋɨlʸ See Language page plant
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna (generic) kaču See Language page Same in Ranquel.
maize, corn mazorca, maiz milho flora-fauna Zea mays uwa See Language page widespread, esp. in river floodplains Ranquel form is wa.
tobacco tabaco tabaco flora-fauna Nicotiana tabacum pɨṭ͡ʀem; ṭ͡ʀupa ṭ͡ʀupa See Language page From Augusta 1915. Ranquel form is pɨṭ͡ʀem.
tree árbol arvore flora-fauna aliwen; mamɨlʸ See Language page Ranquel form is wiṭ͡ʀu, which also is the name of the 'caldén', tree of La Pampa.
achiote, anatto achiote urucum flora-fauna Bixa orellana See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens shrub
inga guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru) inga flora-fauna Inga spp. See Language page Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia)
avocado palta, aguacate abacate flora-fauna Persea americana See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree
bitterwood tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru) envira flora-fauna Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala See Language page secondary forests, native to Brazil tree
brazil nut castaña castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis) flora-fauna Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia'] See Language page 1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua. tree
cashew anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela) caju flora-fauna Anacardium occidentale / giganteum See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
genipap jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico genipapo, jenipapo flora-fauna Genipapa americana See Language page widespread lowland SA shrub
japurá oreja de murcielago japurá flora-fauna Erisma japura See Language page large tree
rubber tree (sorva) caucho, siringa, shiringa seringa, borracha flora-fauna Hevea sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia tree
ucuqui yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru) ucuqui flora-fauna Pouteria ucuqui See Language page native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
Amazon tree-grape uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.) cucura flora-fauna Pourouma cecropiifolia See Language page grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times a tree; not a true grape
manioc (bitter or generic) yuca brava mandioca flora-fauna Manihot esculenta See Language page not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition. Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet) yuca, caribe macaxeira flora-fauna Manihot esculenta See Language page Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
potato papa batata flora-fauna Solanum tuberosum See Language page secondary scrub vegetation compare entries for sweet potato
potato, sweet potato camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara batata-doce flora-fauna Ipomoea batatas See Language page plant
cará tuber, purple or white camote, sachapapa cará roxo, branco flora-fauna Dioscorea sp. See Language page secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings plant
tannia, yautia huitina (Peru), ñame taioba branca flora-fauna Xanthosoma spp. See Language page Ranquel form is koči poɲi.
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree) calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara cabaça flora-fauna Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine) See Language page indigenous gardens plant; tree
squash calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru) abóbora flora-fauna Cucurbita sp. peŋka See Language page From Augusta 1915.
cipó vine tamishi, bejuco, yare cipó flora-fauna Heteropsis spp. mulul See Language page secondary forest, floodplain From Augusta 1915.
fish poison, barbasco barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó flora-fauna Lonchocarpus spp. See Language page secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation shrub/tree
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca ayahuasca, yage ayahuasca, caapi flora-fauna Banisteriopsis caapi See Language page semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW vine
hallucinogenic snuff vilca, cebil, yopo paricá, yopo flora-fauna Anadenanthera sp. or virola See Language page
insect (generic) insecto insecto flora-fauna generic See Language page
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna Formicidae kolʸelʸa See Language page Ranquel formis kolʸalʸa.
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro tocandira flora-fauna Paraponera clavata See Language page
leaf-cutter ant Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse saúva flora-fauna Atta sp. See Language page
honeybee abeja abelha flora-fauna Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis silʸwiɲ See Language page
cockroach cucaracha barata-do-mato flora-fauna order Blattaria See Language page
firefly, lightning bug lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin) vagalume flora-fauna fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae See Language page
butterfly, moth mariposa borboleta flora-fauna order Lepidoptera t̯on̯-t̯on̯ See Language page Ranquel form is piniken.
moth mariposa nocturna, polilla mariposa flora-fauna order Lepidoptera See Language page
angleworm lombriz minhoca flora-fauna order Opisthopora piru See Language page Smae form in Ranquel.
centipede ciempiés centopéia flora-fauna class Chilopoda See Language page
scorpion escorpión; alacran escorpião flora-fauna order Scorpiones See Language page
cicada cigarra, chicharra cigarra flora-fauna super fam. Cicadoidea See Language page
flea pulga pulga flora-fauna order Siphonaptera nerɨm See Language page Ranquel form is nerɨm ~ nɨrɨm.
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna Diptera pɨl̯ɨ See Language page Ranquel form is pɨlɨ.
cricket saltón, grillo grilo flora-fauna family Gryllidae See Language page
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil) suri, mojojoy larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá flora-fauna Rhynchophorus sp. See Language page
praying mantis, stick insects mantis religiosa louva-a-deus flora-fauna order Mantodea, family Mantidae See Language page
mosquito mosquito, zancudo mosquito, carapana flora-fauna Anopheles sp. See Language page Ranquel form is polʸko.
termites, white-ants comején (Peru), termitas cupim flora-fauna order Isoptera See Language page
tick garrapata carrapato flora-fauna superfam Ixodoidea See Language page
wasp avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa caba flora-fauna order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita pɨṭ͡ʀokiɲ See Language page Ranquel forms are pɨṭ͡ʀokɨn ~ pɨṭ͡ʀokiɲ ~ pɨṭ͡ʀokin.
snail caracol, churo (Peru) caracol flora-fauna class Gastropoda pɨθko See Language page From Augusta 1915.
spider araña aranha flora-fauna Arachnidae, Araneae lʸalʸɨn See Language page Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀɨṭ͡ʀɨn; also palʸu.
jaguar yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru) onca flora-fauna Panthera onca See Language page
manatee vaca marina, manatí peixe-boi flora-fauna Trichechus sp. See Language page
brown woolly monkey Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt macaco barrigudo flora-fauna Lagothrix lagothricha See Language page
howler monkey (red-handed) mono aullador, mono coto (Peru) guariba flora-fauna Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.] See Language page
tufted capuchin monkey mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero macaco prego flora-fauna Cebus apella See Language page
white-fronted capuchin Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru) Caiarara flora-fauna Cebus albifrons See Language page
white-fronted spider monkey Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia) macaco aranha, coatá, quatá flora-fauna Ateles belzebuth/paniscus See Language page
opossum zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo mucura flora-fauna family Didelphidae See Language page
giant otter Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria ariranha flora-fauna Pteronura brasiliensis See Language page
neotropical otter (small) Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia) lontra flora-fauna Lontra longicaudis See Language page
collared peccary sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar caititu, caetitu flora-fauna Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu [faraku] See Language page From Span. 'verraco'.
white-lipped peccary Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana queixada flora-fauna Tayassu pecari See Language page
porcupine puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru) cuandu, porco-espinho flora-fauna family Erethizontidae See Language page
cotamundi, coatimundi Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache quati flora-fauna genus Nasua See Language page
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti) Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado cutia flora-fauna Dasyprocta spp. See Language page
capybara Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco capivara flora-fauna Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris See Language page
green acouchi Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo cutiara flora-fauna Myoprocta pratti See Language page
paca (lowland) Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana) paca flora-fauna Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.) See Language page
mouse, rat ratón camundongo, rata flora-fauna Mus musculus θewɨ See Language page Ranquel form is ðewɨ.
squirrel ardilla, danta (Ven) serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo flora-fauna family Sciuridae See Language page
tapir sachavaca, danta anta flora-fauna Tapirus terrestris See Language page
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus pɨθu See Language page


Cultural Vocabulary (97)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes Word Structure Word Structure Notes General Notes Source
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material kɨlko; čaywe See Language page
basket, small canasta, canasto, cesta cesto pequeno, tampado culture-material See Language page
bead abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar miçanga culture-material lʸaŋkatu See Language page
bed cama cama culture-material ŋɨtantu Ranquel form is ɨtantɨ ~ nɨtantɨ ~ ŋɨtantɨ. See Language page
hammock hamaca, chinchorro rede culture-material See Language page
bench, seat banco, silla, asiento banco culture-material anɨ-peyɨm; [waŋku] From Spanish 'banco'. Ranquel form is [waŋku]. See Language page
canoe canoa canoa transport [fote] From Span. 'bote'. Ranquel form is [vote]. See Language page
drum (large signal) tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia) tambor culture Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances See Language page
drum tambor tambor culture-mythology kulṭ͡ʀuŋ Ranquel form is kulṭ͡ʀun ~ kulṭ͡ʀuŋ. See Language page
shaman, healer chamán, brujo xaman, pajé, feiticeiro culture-mythology kalku Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
healer curandero benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano) culture-mythology Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well. See Language page
broom escoba vassoura culture-material lepɨ-we Ranquel form is yɨpɨwe. See Language page
clothing ropa roupa culture-mythology wesakelu; takun Ranquel form is wesakelu. See Language page
fence, palisade cerco cerca other [koral] From Spanish 'corral'. Same in Ranquel. See Language page
firewood leña lenha other mamɨlʸ Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
Curupira (spirit type) Curupira, Madremonte Curupira culture-mythology malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology pɨlʸɨ See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure dios(es), deidad divinidade, figura mítica culture-mythology ŋɨne-če-n Ranquel form is ŋɨnečen; pɨta wenṭ͡ʀu; vɨta čao. See Language page
flute flauta, quena (Peru) flauta culture-mythology pifɨlʸka Ranquel form is pivilka ~ vivilka. See Language page
panpipe carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora caniço, flauta de pã culture-mythology See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making canoa para chicha cocho de caxiri narcotics See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya) kapiwaya capiwaya culture-mythology See Language page
knife cuchillo faca culture-material [kučilʸu] From Spanish 'cuchillo'. Ranquel form is kučilʸo. See Language page
machete machete facão culture-material See Language page
axe/stone axe hacha (de piedra) machado (de pedra) subsistence tool toki Same in Ranquel. See Language page
arrow flecha flecha subsistence tool pɨlki Ranquel form is kewpu ~ kewpɨ, the point of the arrow. See Language page
spear lanza lança subsistence tool wayki Ranquel form is rɨŋi ~ rɨŋɨ. See Language page
bow arco arco subsistence tool čɨŋfɨl-we arco See Language page
paddle/oar remo remo transport See Language page
plate plato prato culture-material soko rali Ranquel form is rali. See Language page
pot olla, pote panela, vasilha subsistence tool čalʸa Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
basin/bowl tazón, plato hondo, taza tijela culture-material lupe See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru) forno para beiju subsistence tool [rono] From Span. 'horno'. See Language page
rattle matraca, maraca marico, chocalho culture-mythology kaskawilʸa See Language page
resin resina, brea, copal resina, brea, breu subsistence tool See Language page
wax cera cera other yiwiɲ miski From Augusta 1915. See Language page
honey miel mel food silʸwiɲ kuram See 'bee' 03.820. See Language page
stone for lighting fires piedra para hacer fuego pedra para acender fogo culture-material See Language page
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture ṭ͡ʀari Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀay-; pɨro-; ɨkel-. See Language page
tattoo tatuaje, tatu tatuagem culture-mythology See Language page
thatch/roof crisneja palha, caraná culture-material kɨna ruka See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women) yurupari jurupari culture-mythology a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women. See Language page
fetish, charm fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga feitiço, puçanga culture-mythology See Language page
feather headdress plumaje, corona de plumas enfeite/capacete de penas culture-mythology See Language page
paint body, body paint pintura corporal pintura corporal culture-mythology See Language page
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven tierra do los muertos terra dos mortos culture-mythology wenu mapu Ranquel form is wenu. See Language page
school escuela escola acculturation See Language page
bottle botella garrafa acculturation See Language page
paper papel papel acculturation [papel] From Spanish 'papel'. Ranquel form is [papil]. See Language page
dream sueño, soñar sonho, sonhar culture-mythology pewma Same in Ranquel. See Language page
chicken gallina galinha acculturation piči ačawalʸ Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
grave tumba, sepultura, sepulcro sepultura, sepulcro, cova culture-mythology eltun See Language page
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other kiṭ͡ʀa See Language page
sugarcane/sugar azúcar, caña de azúcar açucar (de cana) acculturation [sapalʸu] From Spanish 'zapallo'. Ranquel form is sapalʸo; kɨṭ͡ʀan. See Language page
skirt falda, saya, fustan, pollera saia culture-material Ranquel form is polʸera. See Language page
shoes zapatos sapatos dress [sapatu] From Spanish 'zapato'. Ranquel form is sumel ~ čomel. See Language page
policeman polícia policía acculturation See Language page
soldier soldado soldado acculturation kon̯a Also means 'servant'. See Language page
cat gato gato acculturation narki Ranquel form is ɲayki. See Language page
gun arma, escopeta espingarda, fusil acculturation ṭ͡ʀalka Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
hat sombero chapéu dress [čumpiru] From Span. 'sombrero'. Ranquel form is čumpiru ~ čimpiru. See Language page
chief/leader jefe, cacique chefe culture-mythology loŋko; [kasike] First form also means 'head' 04.200. Ranquel form is loŋko. See Language page
club garrote, cachiporra clava, porrete subsistence tool mamɨlʸ See Language page
loincloth taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla tanga, tapa-sexo dress See Language page
fireplace hogar lareira other See Language page
fishing line cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze linha de pesca subsistence tool čalʸwa-peyɨm θef See Language page
salt sal sal food čaθi Ranquel form is čaði. See Language page
song (generic) canción, canto canção culture-mythology ɨlkan-tu Ranquel form is ɨlkantɨ-. See Language page
blowgun cerbatana, pucuna (Peru) zarabatana subsistence tool currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region See Language page
dart (blowgun) dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru) dardo, seta subsistence tool hunting and warfare See Language page
fan abanico abanador, abano subsistence tool mefɨr-we esp. for fanning a cooking fire See Language page
fish (with line) anzuelear, pescar con linea pescar (com linha) food See Language page
fish (with fish-poison) pescar con barbasco, barbasquear pescar com timbó; tinguijar food See Language page
hunt cazar caçar food wiṭ͡ʀutu-n ɣɨɲɨm With sling-shot. Ranquel form is nɨva-. See Language page
game animal caza, animal de caza caça, animal de caça food kulʸiɲ Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl) cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo cuia subsistence tool See Language page
grater rallador, rallo ralador, ralo subsistence tool esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf) barbacoa jirau subsistence tool See Language page
mortar mortero pilão subsistence tool ṭ͡ʀana-ṭ͡ʀapi-we Ranquel form is ṭ͡ʀanawe. See Language page
pestle pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor mão de pilão subsistence tool ɲumkuθi From Augusta 1915. See Language page
fermented drink masato, chicha caxiri, chicha culture muθay prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made See Language page
flour/meal from manioc fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina farinha food rɨŋo Same form in Ranquel. See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe beiju food usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits See Language page
starch (tapioca, other) almidón goma de tapioca food See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau cahuana, caguana mingau food agriculture See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer) tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca tipiti food word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc See Language page
tripod for washing manioc trípode tripé subsistence tool agriculture See Language page
venom for darts, poison veneno curare subsistence tool hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?) See Language page
woven strainer/sieve colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru) peneira, cumatá subsistence tool agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour See Language page
bait for fishing cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru) isca subsistence tool can refer to worms; more generic See Language page
fishtrap trampa de peces, trampa matapi, cacuri subsistence tool lʸolʸe As noted in the Museo Araucano, Temuco, Chile. See Language page
bottom grinding stone manufacture if different word from top grinding stone See Language page
digging stick subsistence tool See Language page
top grinding stone metate, mano; piedra de moler metate, mano manufacture use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic) subsistence tool See Language page
spearthrower subsistence tool See Language page
house other ruka Same in Ranquel. See Language page


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Grammatical Notes Source Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Pre-/post-nasalized stops Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme no Salas 1992, p.81
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] no Salas 1992, p.73-92 there are codas
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones no Salas 1992, p.85 tone differences are correlate to main stres and secondary stress
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? no Salas 1992, p.83
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? no info Salas 1992, p.73-92 probably not
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony no Salas 1992, p.73-92
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] yes They seem to mark mood, person and number by a single portmanteau morpheme which varies according to those dimensions. Salas 1992, p.107
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes Salas 1992, p.111, 113 one morpheme for mood and one for person/number
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no Salas 1992, p.108-11
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes Salas 1992, p.108-11 at least this is true for verbs
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Salas 1992, p.108-11
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated yes Salas 1992, p.188 Full reduplication is used to convey "duration in time". In addition to verbal full reduplication a morpheme which specifies the kind of duration needs to co-occur.
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated no Salas 1992, p.188
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced no info
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection yes Salas 1992, p.192 Although it is not clear if it is a productive pattern of the language.
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word yes But it is limited to verbs like "know", "have to" or "can" and any other verb to convey modality Zúñiga 2006, p. 135-9
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' no info most likely no
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-78
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment yes Salas 1992, p.195-6 The object is attached right after the verb and then verbal morphology is atached as in a "normal" verb.
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-78
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human no However, there is special marking of animate nouns whereas innanimate nouns do not have this distinction Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups no unmarked for for singulars Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only yes Only animate nouns can get the plural word pu; inanimates are not formally distinguished for number. Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns no However, this language distinguishes between singular, dual and plural personal pronouns which are expressed by more-or-less supletive pronoun forms Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-99
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' no info probably not
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only no The author suggets that this category is being grammaticalized in the new genereations of speakers (probably because the influence of Spanish) but this feature does not occur in the traditional language. Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-9
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system yes 4 different distance forms Zúñiga 2006, p, 92
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) no Zúñiga 2006, p, 92
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns no
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns no
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Zúñiga 2006, p. 97
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix no Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients no Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 0 There are adpositions to mark oblique cases (non-core ones). In the source, there are only listed 3 adpositions but one of them has many different meanings Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic no Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic no Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change no Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone no Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' no info
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 no Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' no info apparently no
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no Actually, in the non-verbal predicates there is no copula. So, neither tense nor person is marked. Zúñiga 2006, p. 225
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no To mark possession of pronouns, it is like the first kind of the pronoun is dropped out ad the remaining is the possessive pronoun. It seems that it is better characterized as suppletive forms. Zúñiga 2006, p. 225
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? no Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? no Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' no info There is no info on possession where both NPs are nouns. Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) no info most likely not Zúñiga 2006, p. 87-102
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 187-9
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco no Zúñiga 2006, p. 187-9
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb no info
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb no info However, there are other nominalizers such as /-wen/ which derives associatives plurals from nouns; /-we/ which derives intruments or locations and /-ntu/ which derives nouns where yhere is plenty of the substance denoted by the noun. Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb no info Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective yes However, the main strategy to verbalize nouns and adjective (and even any word category) is by zero nominalization. In other words, the noun or adjective (or other grammatical category) just takes verbal morphology (like tense) to behave as a verb. Salas 1992, p.193-5 It seems that verbalization is possible by only adding verbal morphology to nouns or adjectives. However, there are certain nouns which require a verbalizer suffix. Further, there are some verbalizers which derive meanigs as: "become X" or "to perfomr the
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere yes However, verbs may be in past tense even when this suffix does not show up. Further, this suffix also expresses other meanings such as adversative in coordinate sentences and "lack of relevance". Salas 1992, p.140-1
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) yes It appears before the mood marker and after negation Salas 1992, p.142, Zúñiga 2006, p.129-30 There is also a future tense which expresses a conditioned action in the future.
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Salas 1992, p.142, Zúñiga 2006, p.129-30
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Salas 1992, p.142, Zúñiga 2006, p.129-30
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut no
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Zúñiga 2006, p.129-39
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood yes The form of this morpheme is based on the examples in the source and not explicitly defined as such by the author. Salas 1992, p.112 There are morphemes for first person, second (singular and plura), third person and exhortatives
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) no info probably not
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses yes Zúñiga 2006, p.110-11
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' no But there is marking of imperatives for 1, 2 and 3 person (and number is not distinguished) Zúñiga 2006, p.106-11
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something no Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction no Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking yes verbal compounding where the first verb is the verb meaning "can" pepi Zúñiga 2006, p.136
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected no Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") no Zúñiga 2006, p.102-94
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality yes Zúñiga 2006, p.160
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' no info most likely not
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative no info
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. yes These suffixes are more related to the location where the event takes place, or if the participants are coming in or away a reference point Zúñiga 2006, p. 168-72
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker no Zúñiga 2006, p. 155-9
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) no Zúñiga 2006, p. 155-9
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. no Zúñiga 2006, p. 155-9
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' yes Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse no Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above no info
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic yes Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs no Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle no Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme no Salas 1992, p.155, Zúñiga 2006 p. 155
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion no Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-5
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction no Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-5
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order yes It depends mostly on pragmatics and the inverse system. Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject no Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order VS in transitive clauses no Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object yes But it is the preferred order, not the only possible order. Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject no But it is possible though not the most frequent Zúñiga 2006, p. 240-1
Word Order Preposition-Noun yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 194-7
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) no info
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') no info
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun no info
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun no info
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Salas 1992, p. 97
Word Order Noun-Dem no Salas 1992, p. 97
Word Order Num-Noun yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Word Order Noun-Num no Zúñiga 2006, p. 189
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no Zúñiga 2006, p. 249-51
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 254
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked no Nouns and pronouns do not receive case. Thus, it can be argued that they show a neutral alignment Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive no Zúñiga 2006, p. 87
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs no Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) yes Salas 1992, p.125; Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9 this marking happens as verbal suffixes with respect to whcih argument is the "focus" fo the sentence rather than being driven by A or P relations. The ranking is as follows: 1>2>3 (definite)>3 (indefinite)
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. no Salas 1992, p.125; Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Salas 1992, p.116
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) yes Salas 1992, p.116
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no Salas 1992, p.116; Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no Salas 1992, p.116; Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes yes Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well. Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers yes Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well. Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers yes Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well. Zúñiga 2006, p. 114-9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well. Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Core participant verbal suffixes are fusional. So, they may convey other maenings as well. Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately yes Salas 1992, p.115
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes no Zúñiga 2006, p. 96-7, 104-7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent no Zúñiga 2006, p. 104-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. no Salas 1992, p.129-30
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. no Same form as reciprocal Salas 1992, p.129
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb yes Salas 1992, p.129-30
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 119
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency no Salas 1992, p.185-95
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 123-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb yes The new added argument is the person negatively affected by the action (malefactive) Zúñiga 2006, p. 123-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb no Zúñiga 2006, p. 123-7
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb yes Notice that this suffix is similar in form to the transitivizer /-l/. So, it may be possible to argue that the suffix /-l/ has two functions: causative and transitivizer. Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix no Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization no Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' no info Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event no Salas 1992, p.186
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency yes Salas 1992, p.186-7 There are other transitivizers which, in general, are very similar on form to the caustives
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element no
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element yes These are verbal suffixes Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix yes Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle no Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb no Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' no Zúñiga 2006, 110
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' no info Zúñiga 2006, 87-9
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase no info
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle yes This seems to be the same interrogative particle used for content questions. But the interrogative particle does not appear always. There may be some polar interrogatives which are only distinguished fron declaratives by intonation. Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology no Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only no Apart from intonation, there may be some question marking Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) no Zúñiga 2006, p. 253-61
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position no It is conveyed by just juxtaposing the elements Zúñiga 2006, p. 225-7
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position yes Zúñiga 2006, p. 225-7
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) yes It is the regular pattern Zúñiga 2006, p. 225-7
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause no Zúñiga 2006, p. 249
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix no There is no relativizer Zúñiga 2006, p. 249
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) no Zúñiga 2006, p. 249
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) no info Probably not
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence no Zúñiga 2006, p. 102-94