Guaymí
- Family
- Chibchan
- Region
- South America
- ISO 639-3
- gym
- Location
- 8.83°, -82.39°
- Notes
- Features
-
Grammatical Data
- Data Sources
- Alphonse, Ephraim. 1956. Guaymi grammar and dictionary. Washington, U.S. Govt. Print.
Grammatical Data (226)
| Category | Grammatical Feature | Grammatical Feature: Notes | Feature Status | Grammatical Notes | Source | Etymology Notes | General Notes | Phylogenetic Code |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Phonology - Segmental | Pre-/post-nasalized stops | Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. | no | Quesada 2008:32 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Glottalized/ejective consonants | Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] | no | Quesada 2008:30 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Palatalized stops | Phonemic contrast | no | Quesada 2008:30 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Phonemic vowel length | Does the language have long and short vowels? | no | Quesada 2008:23-30 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels | no | Quesada 2008:30 | |||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Complex onsets | Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme | yes | Quesada 2008:47 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | No codas | *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] | yes | Quesada 2008:47 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Word-final coda required | Do all syllables end in a consonant? | no | Quesada 2008:47-8 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Contrastive tones | Note how many contrastive tones | no | Quesada 2008:42 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Contrastive stress | Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? | yes | Quesada 2008:37 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable | In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments | no | Quesada 2008:34 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries | Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? | yes | Particularly with clitics | Quesada 2008:34 | |||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Vowel harmony | yes | mid vowels become high in contact with high vowels and front vowels become back in contact with back vowels | Quesada 2008:26 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) | Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] | no | Quesada 2008:99-145 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes | Stem change, tone | no | Quesada 2008:99-145 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) | Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word | yes | Quesada 2008:99-145 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing | There are many more prefixes than suffixes | no | Quesada 2008:49-145 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing | There are many more suffixes than prefixes | yes | Quesada 2008:49-145 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred | The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different | no | Quesada 2008:49-145 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Reduplication: full | The full morpheme is reduplicated | no info | more likely not | ||||
| Morphology - General | Reduplication: partial | Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated | yes | The final vowel of a noun is reduplicated to derive nouns apparently from adjectives | Quevedo 2008:50-1 | |||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Productive NN compounding | Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced | no | Quevedo 2008:49-98 | ||||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Productive VV serialization (without compounding) | Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection | no | Quevedo 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Productive VV compounding | Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word | no | Quevedo 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions | There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' | no info | more likely not | ||||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Auxiliary verb(s) | There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs | yes | There seem to be four auxiliary verbs | Alphonse 1956:30, Quesada 2008:134 | |||
| Morphology - Incorporation | Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process | Verb contains nominal segment | no | Quesada 2008:99-145 | ||||
| Morphology - Incorporation | Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs | Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns | no | Quesada 2008:99-145 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Noun classes/genders | Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP | no | Quesada 2008:49-97 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Number of noun classes/genders | Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders | no info | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) | Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. | yes | Quesada 2008:91 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates | Masculine, feminine, neuter | no | Alphonse 1956:3 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates | no | Alphonse 1956:3 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system | Animate/inanimate, human/non-human | no info | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns | add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only | no | Quesada 2008:69 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates | yes | It is distinguished long, rounded and plain things | Quesada 2008:91 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates | yes | Quesada 2008:91 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | "Repeater" classifiers | Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" | no info | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) | Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals | yes | Quesada 2008:91 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns | Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Singular number may be marked on the noun | Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups | no info | more likely not | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural affix on noun | yes | Alphonse 1956:2 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun | no | Quesada 2008:49-54 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural marked by reduplication of noun | no | Quesada 2008:49-54 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural word/clitic | no | But Quesada (2208:70) considers /tre/ as an independet word | Quesada 2008:70 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural marked on human or animate nouns only | no | Quesada 2008:49-54 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix | Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns | yes | But only for third person animate | Alphonse 1956:4, Quesada 2008:70 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Unique associative plural marker | e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' | no info | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Definite or specific articles | Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only | no | Quesada 2008:49-96 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives | Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness | no | Quesada 2008:49-96 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Indefinite or non-specific article | or marker | no | Quesada 2008:49-96 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals | Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you | yes | Quesada 2008:69 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) | no | there is no person marking on verbs | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) | Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system | 3 | Quesada 2008:75 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) | yes | There is a two-way contrast for "not perceptible things". This seems to be a visibility contrast | Quesada 2008:75 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Gender in 3sg pronouns | no | But it seems that animacy is distinguished: niara is used with animate nouns and nokó is used with inanimate or neuter nouns | Alphonse 1956:4, Quesada 2008:69 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Gender in 3pl pronouns | no | Alphonse 1956:4, Quesada 2008:69 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns | no | Alphonse 1956:4 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Formal/informal distinction in pronouns | Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns | no | Quesada 2008:69 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Reflexive pronouns | e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix | yes | The suffix /-ara/ is added to the personal pronouns to form the corresponding reflexive pronoun. | Alphonse 1956:9 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Adpositions mark core NPs | Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients | yes | There is a postposition which marks dative case. This postposition can be suffixed to certain nouns. | Quesada 2008:82 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: number of cases | Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun | 2 | only ergative and dative cases are marked | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked | Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are | no | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: symmetrical | All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) | yes | Quesada 2008:155-67 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: asymmetrical | Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates | no | Quesada 2008:155-67 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: suffix or postpositional clitic | yes | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: prefix or prepositional clitic | no | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: infix or inpositional clitic | no | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: stem change | no | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: tone | no | Quesada 2008:82, 155-6 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: comitative = instrumental | Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' | no | Quesada 2008:81 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Base-2 | At least some part of the system involves base-2 | no | Quesada 2008:91 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Base-5 | At least some part of the system involves base-5 | no | Quesada 2008:91 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Base-10 | At least some part of the system involves base-10 | yes | Alphonse 1956:13 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Other base (specify) | 4, 20, etc. | no | Quesada 2008:91 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 | e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' | no | Quesada 2008:91-3 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Numerals do not go above 5 | 'Many' or some other non-exact term used | no | Alphonse 1956:13 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Numerals do not go above 10 | 'Many' or some other non-exact term used | no | Alphonse 1956:13, Quesada 2008:92 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Other nominal | Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates | i.e. nominal or adjectival | yes | This past tense marker is added to the noun | Alphonse 1956:6 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Other nominal | Person inflection on non-verbal predicates | i.e. nominal or adjectival | no | Quesada 2008:49-96 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N | alienable/inalienable? | no | Quesada 2008:73 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N | alienable/inalienable? | yes | Quesada 2008:73 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent | e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' | no | Alphonse 1956:50 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head | e.g. 'the boy his-dog' | yes | Alphonse 1956:50 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Possessive classifiers | There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities | no | Quesada 2008:72-5 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Morphological marking of inalienable possession | Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) | no info | |||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Morphological marking of alienable possession | Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) | no info | |||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed | An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form | no info | |||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Inalienable possession of kin terms | 'my-father' but *father | no info | |||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) | 'my-leg' but *leg | no info | |||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed | Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) | no info | |||||
| Nominal Syntax - Adjectives | Underived adjectives | There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes | yes | Alphonse 1956:4, Quesada 2008:54-7 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Adjectives | Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP | There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco | no | Quesada 2008:54 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) | There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb | yes | It also expresses the agent | Quesada 2008:51 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) | There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb | yes | Alphonse 1956:43 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) | There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb | no | Quesada 2008:49-53 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive verbalizing morphology | There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective | no | Quesada 2008:49-146 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Other | NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently | 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Dedicated past marker(s) | Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere | yes | Inmediate past. There are at least two mophological past tense markers | Alphonse 1956:29 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference | e.g. distant vs. recent past | yes | Guaymi distinguishes between recet, remote and testimonial past | Quesada 2008:100-8 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference | e.g. imminent vs. distant future | yes | Guaymi distinguishes between inmediate and remote future | Quesada 2008:100-8 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) | yes | Alphonse 1956:28 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect affixes: prefix | no | Quesada 2008:100-8 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect affixes: suffix | yes | Quesada 2008:100-8 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut | no | Quesada 2008:100-8 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect suppletion | yes | There are six verbs which show suppletive forms to express differences in tense. | Quesada 2008:108 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form | There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood | no | The indefinite tense is used to express imperative modality | Quesada 2008:117-8 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Polite imperative morpheme | There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses | There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses | no info | maybe not since the imperative takes the same morphology as finite verbs | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) | as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Situational possibility: affix on verb | Inflectional marking of capacity to do something | no | Quesada 2008:136 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Situational possibility: verbal construction | yes | An auxiliary verb meaning "to stay, to remain" is used in this construction | Quesada 2008:136 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Situational possibility: other marking | no | Quesada 2008:136 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Epistemic possibility: affix on verb | Modal expressing hypothesis | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Epistemic possibility: verbal construction | no info | ||||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Epistemic possibility: other marking | no info | ||||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Marking of expected/unexpected action or result | There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Verbal frustrative | Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Verbal habitual | Modal expressing habituality | no | A verbal periphrasis is used where the verb to be is used plus the main verb in realis indefinite form. | Quesada 2008:137 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Apprehensive construction | There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Reality status marking on verbs | There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' | yes | There is a realis/irrealis distinction in which both terms receive a particular morpheme | Quesada 2008:100-8 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Affect markers (positive/negative) | Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Directionals | Directional elements affixed to the verb | There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. | no | Quesada 2008:80-7 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized visual | Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized nonvisual | Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized inferential | Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized reportive | Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized quotative | Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Other evidential | Any other evidential values not represented above | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic | no info | ||||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: part of tense system | Includes portmanteau morphs | no info | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: separate particle | no info | ||||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: modal morpheme | no info | ||||||
| Verbal Categories - Verbal number | Verbal number suppletion | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Other | Social interaction markers | Note the type of interaction | no info | |||||
| Word Order | No fixed basic constituent order | yes | The author argues that SOV is the underlying constituent order. But this order may vary by pragmatics | Quesada 2008:152 | ||||
| Word Order | VS in intransitive clauses | Verb precedes subject | no | Quesada 2008:142 | ||||
| Word Order | VS in transitive clauses | no | Alphonse 1956:51 | |||||
| Word Order | VO in transitive clauses | Verb precedes object | no | Alphonse 1956:51 | ||||
| Word Order | OS in transitive clauses | Object precedes subject | no | Alphonse 1956:51 | ||||
| Word Order | Preposition-Noun | no | Alphonse 1956:51 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Postposition or case suffix | yes | Alphonse 1956:51 | |||||
| Word Order | Gen-Noun | Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) | yes | Quesada 2008:72 | ||||
| Word Order | Noun-Gen | Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') | yes | Alphonse 1956:50 | ||||
| Word Order | Adj-Noun | Adjective precedes the noun | no | Quesada 2008:54 | ||||
| Word Order | Noun-Adj | Adjective follows the noun | yes | It seems to be the only possible order for noun and adjective | Quesada 2008:54 | |||
| Word Order | Dem-Noun | no | Quesada 2008:147 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Dem | yes | Quesada 2008:147 | |||||
| Word Order | Num-Noun | no | Quesada 2008:148 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Num | yes | Quesada 2008:148 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Rel | Relative clause follows noun that it modifies | yes | Quesada 2008:173-5 | ||||
| Word Order | Rel-Noun | Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies | yes | Quesada 2008:173-5 | ||||
| Word Order | Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) | e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') | yes | Quesada 2008:173-5 | ||||
| Word Order | Relative clause is correlative or adjoined | e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' | no | Quesada 2008:173-5 | ||||
| Word Order | Question word is clause initial | 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause | no | Question words can stay in situ | Quesada 2008:87-88 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative | Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative | Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive | Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker | yes | Quesada 2008:155-9 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite | Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive | Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive | yes, no, mixed, other | yes | Quesada 2008:155-9 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive | no | Quesada 2008:155-9 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative | Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs | no | Person is not cross-referenced on verbs | Quesada 2008:99-146 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive | yes, no, mixed, other | no | Person is not cross-referenced on verbs | Quesada 2008:99-146 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical | Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: split | More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position | Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects | yes | Alphonse 1956:8, Quesada 2008:69 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb | Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) | no | Quesada 2008:99 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb | Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) | no | Quesada 2008:99 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host | Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. | no | Quesada 2008:68-72 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position | Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects | no | Quesada 2008:68-72 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Person marking on intransitive verbs | Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes | no | Quesada 2008:99 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs | Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers | no | Quesada 2008:99 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs | Transitive verbs take object (P) markers | no | Quesada 2008:99 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects | 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system | yes | But this is because there are no person markers on the verb whatsoever | Quesada 2008:99 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects | 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system | yes | But this is because there are no person markers on the verb whatsoever | Quesada 2008:99 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Number can be marked separately from person on the verb | Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately | yes | The plural marker is an independent word which is the same plural marker used for nouns /tre/ | Quesada 2008:99 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers | Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes | no | There are not person markers on verbs | Quesada 2008:99-146 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Gender distinguished in verbal person markers | For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent | no | There are not person markers on verbs | Quesada 2008:99-146 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice | Ditransitive constructions: indirect object | In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently | yes | Quesada 2008:49-96, 155-66 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice | Ditransitive constructions: double object | In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives | no | Quesada 2008:49-96, 155-66 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice | Ditransitive constructions: secondary object | In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently | no | Quesada 2008:49-96, 155-66 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme | Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. | yes | This seems to be an independent word | Quesada 2008:71 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Reflexive: dedicated morpheme | Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. | yes | Quesada 2008:71 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme | Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb | yes | Quesada 2008:71 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Passive | Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted | yes | The main verb takes the form of the realis indefinite plus the iterative suffix /-ta/ | Quesada 2008:130 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Antipassive | Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages | no info | more likely not | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Other intransitivizing morphology | There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency | yes | The verbal prefix /xƆn-/ attached to a verb of movement derives a transitive verb. | Quesada 2008:108 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Applicative: benefactive | Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Applicative: other | Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: prefix | Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb | no | Quesada 2008:183 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: suffix | Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb | no | Quesada 2008:183 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone | Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix | no | Quesada 2008:183 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: serial verb or analytical construction | Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization | yes | Verbs meaning "put", "send" or "leave" are used as auxiliaries in this construction | Quesada 2008:182 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' | Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' | no | Quesada 2008:181-2 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: dedicated sociative | Indicates that causer participates in event | no | Quesada 2008:181-2 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) | There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Clausal negator is a preposed element | Clausal negator is a preposed element | yes | Quesada 2008:63 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Clausal negator is a postposed element | Clausal negator is a postposed element | no | Quesada 2008:63 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: affix | Negatives: affix | no | Quesada 2008:63-8 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: particle | Negatives: particle | yes | Quesada 2008:63-8 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: auxiliary verb | Negatives: auxiliary verb | no | Quesada 2008:63-8 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: double | Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' | no | Quesada 2008:63-8 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' | no info | ||||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' | Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: interrogative particle | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle | yes | There are five different interrogative particles | Quesada 2008:61-3 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: verb morphology | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: word order | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: intonation only | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Content questions: word order differs from declaratives | Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) | no | Quesada 2008:87-8 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Predicate adjectives: verbal | Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Predicate adjectives: nominal | Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position | no info | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible | Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) | yes | Quesada 2008:139 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Headless relative clauses | Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) | yes | Quesada 2008:174 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause | Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. | no | Quesada 2008:173-5 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker | It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause | no | Quesada 2008:173-5 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Relativizer is a verbal affix | no | Quesada 2008:174 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer | The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) | no | Quesada 2008:43-53, 173-5 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions | Grammaticalized verbal desiderative | Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) | no | Quesada 2008:135-6 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Other | Clause chaining | Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Other | Morphologically marked switch-reference system | There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Other | Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses | Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence | no | Quesada 2008:99-146 |