Languages of hunter-gatherers and their neighbors

Ingá

Family
Quechuan
Region
South America
ISO 639-3
inb
Location
1.00°, -76.86°
Notes
Lowland Inga is a distinct variant
Features
Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
Data Sources
er, R. and Reed, R. 1992. Comparative vocabulary: selected words in indigenous languages of Colombia. ILV, Bogotá. Levinson, Stephen. 1974. Una gramática pedagógica del Inga (primera parte). ILV, Bogotá. Levinson, Stephen. 1972. The interrogative in Inga (Quechuan). IJAL 38:4, pp.260-4. Levinson, Stephen. 1976a. The Inga language. The Hague, Mouton. Levinson, Stephen. 1976b. Una gramática pedagógica del Inga (segunda parte). ILV, Bogotá. Levinsohn, Stephen H. 1976c. Estudios en inga. Serie Sintáctica 2. iii+207. Bogotá: Ministerio de Gobierno. Levinson, Stephen. 1978. Apuntes sobre la gramática Inga. Editorial Townsend. Parks, Roger. 1990. The Historical-Comparative Classification of Columbian Inga (Quechua). In Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics 15:2. Tandioy Chasoy, Domingo and Levinsohn, Stephen H. and Maffla Bilbao, Alonso. 1978. Diccionario inga del valle de Sibundoy, Intendencia del Putumayo. Lomalinda: Editorial Townsend.


Basic Vocabulary (191)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes General Notes Source
above encima, arriba acima location awama awama See Language page
and y e grammar See Language page
ash ceniza(s) cinzas environment uchpa utʃpa See Language page
at en, a em, a location See Language page
back espalda costas body wasa wasa See Language page
bad mal mal quality millai miʎai See Language page
belly barriga barriga body wigsa wigsa See Language page
below abajo, debajo abaixo location ukupi ukupi See Language page
big grande grande quality atun atun See Language page
black negro preto colour iana iana See Language page
blood sangre sangue body iawar iawar See Language page
boil/pimple espinilla, granos espinha, borbulha body chiuka, shibka tʃiuka, ʃibka See Language page
bone hueso osso body tullu tuʎu See Language page
breast pecho, seno peito body chuchu tʃutʃu See Language page
child niño, niña criança human wambra wambra See Language page
cloud nube nuvem environment puiu puiu See Language page
cold frío frio quality chiri tʃiri See Language page
correct/true verdad, de veras verdade quality sutipa sutipa See Language page
day día dia time puncha puntʃa See Language page
dirty sucio sujo quality mapa mapa See Language page
dingo/wolf fauna sacha alku (sacha=wild; alku=dog) satʃa alku (satʃa=wild; alku=dog) See Language page
dry seco seco quality tusta tusta See Language page
dull/blunt sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo maçante, desamolado, não afiado quality See Language page
dust polvo poeira environment ñutui (to become dust) ñutui (to become dust) See Language page
ear oreja orelha body ringri ringri See Language page
earth/soil tierra terra environment alpa alpa See Language page
egg huevo ovo fauna rundu rundu See Language page
eye ojo olho body ñawi ñawi See Language page
far lejos longe quality karu sachuku karu satʃuku See Language page
fat/grease grasa gordura body wira wira See Language page
father padre, papá pai kinship taita taita See Language page
feather pluma pena fauna See Language page
fire fuego fogo environment nina nina See Language page
flower flor flor environment tugtu tugtu See Language page
fog niebla, neblina nevoeira, bruma, neblina environment shachima ʃatʃima See Language page
fruit fruta fruta flora chiwilla, maku tʃiwiʎa, maku See Language page
good bueno bom quality alli, alli uma aʎi, aʎi uma See Language page
hair (of head) cabello cabelo body agcha agtʃa See Language page
hand mano mão body maki maki See Language page
3sg el/ella ele/ela grammar pai pai See Language page
head cabeza cabeça body uma uma See Language page
heavy pesado pesado quality llasa ʎasa See Language page
how? como como grammar See Language page
1sg yo eu grammar nuka nuka For pronouns: include bound/cliticized pronominal forms where significantly different from the free forms See Language page
if si se grammar See Language page
in/inside dentro, adentro dentro location ukupi ukupi See Language page
intestines intestinos intestinos body chunchullu tʃuntʃuʎu See Language page
lake lago lago environment kucha kutʃa See Language page
leaf hoja folha environment panga panga See Language page
left/left hand izquierdo esquerdo location/body lluki ʎuki See Language page
leg/foot pierna perna body changa tʃanga See Language page
lightning rayo, relámpago relampago environment rilampa (Spanish loan) rilampa (Spaniʃ loan) See Language page
liver hígado figado body sungu sungu See Language page
long largo comprido, longo quality suni suni See Language page
louse piollo, piojo piolho fauna usa usa order Phtiraptera See Language page
man/male hombre homem human kari kari See Language page
meat/flesh carne carne fauna aicha aitʃa See Language page
moon luna lua environment killa kiʎa See Language page
mother madre, mamá mãe kinship mama mama See Language page
mouth boca boca body simi simi See Language page
name nombre nome human suti suti See Language page
near/close cerca de perto quality kailla kaiʎa See Language page
nape base del cuello, nuca nuca body kunga kunga See Language page
neck cuello pescoço body kunga kunga See Language page
new nuevo novo quality musu musu See Language page
night noche noite time tuta tuta See Language page
no/not no não grammar mana mana See Language page
nose nariz nariz body singa singa See Language page
old viejo velho quality mauka mauka See Language page
one uno um number sug sug See Language page
other otro outro grammar sug, sugka sug, sugka See Language page
pain/painful/sick dolor, doloroso, enfermo dor, doloroso, doente body ungug, dipurdundi ungug, dipurdundi See Language page
person/human being persona pessoa human runa runa See Language page
rain lluvia chuva environment tamia tamia See Language page
red rojo vermelho colour pichi, puka pitʃi, puka See Language page
right/right hand derecha direita location/body allima aʎima See Language page
road/path camino caminho manufacture ñambi ñambi See Language page
root raíz raiz flora angu angu See Language page
rotten podrido podre quality wabka wabka See Language page
sand arena areia environment See Language page
sharp afilado, filudo, filoso afiado quality filu (Spanish loan) filu (Spaniʃ loan) See Language page
short corto curto quality umutu umutu See Language page
shoulder hombro ombro body See Language page
shy/ashamed tímido, vergonzoso timido, com vergonha mental kui sungu kui sungu See Language page
skin piel pele body kaɾa kaɾa See Language page
sky cielo céu environment See Language page
small pequeño pequeno quality amchi amtʃi See Language page
smoke humo fumaça environment kusni kusni See Language page
star estrella estrela environment See Language page
stick/wood palo pau, vara flora kaspi kaspi See Language page
stone piedra pedra environment rumi rumi See Language page
tail cola, rabo rabo body chupa tʃupa See Language page
that ese/esa esse grammar chi/chin tʃi/tʃin See Language page
3pl ellos/ellas eles/elas grammar See Language page
thick grueso, gordo, espeso grosso quality sangu sangu See Language page
thin delgado fino quality amchi, chalangu amtʃi, tʃalangu See Language page
this este/esta este grammar kai kai See Language page
2sg xx xx grammar kam kam See Language page
throat garganta garganta body gargiru (Spanish loa?) gargiru (Spaniʃ loa?) See Language page
three tres tres number kimsa kimsa See Language page
thunder truenos trovão environment triwinu (Spanish loan) triwinu (Sp loan) See Language page
bite morder morder body kanii kanii See Language page
blow soplar soprar body pukui, abintai pukui, abintai See Language page
breathe respirar respirar body samai kachai samai katʃai See Language page
burn quemar queimar environment rupachii rupatʃii See Language page
chew masticar, mascar mastigar body kastui kastui See Language page
climb subir subir motion sikai sikai See Language page
come venir vir motion samui samui See Language page
cook cocinar cozinhar impact ianui ianui See Language page
count contar contar mental willai wiʎai See Language page
cry llorar chorar mental wakai wakai See Language page
cut/hack cortar cortar impact kuchui, lisiachii kutʃui, lisiatʃii See Language page
die/be dead morir morrer state wañui wañui See Language page
dig cavar cavar impact jutkuchii, utkuchii jutkutʃii, utkutʃii See Language page
dream soñar sonhar mental muskui muskui See Language page
drink beber, tomar beber body upiai upiai See Language page
eat comer comer body kastui kastui See Language page
fall caer cair motion urmai urmai See Language page
fear miedo medo mental manchai mantʃai See Language page
flow fluir fluir motion See Language page
fly volar voar motion See Language page
grow crecer crescer state susukaiai, wiñai susukaiai, wiñai See Language page
hear oír ouvir mental uiai uiai See Language page
hide esconder esconder motion pakai pakai See Language page
hit golpear, pegar bater impact makai, takachii makai, takatʃii See Language page
hold correr, asegurar, sostener segurar other sinchiachii sintʃiatʃii See Language page
kill matar matar impact wañuchii wañutʃii See Language page
know/be knowledgeable saber, conecer saber, conhecer mental iachai iatʃai See Language page
laugh reír rir mental asii asii See Language page
lie down acostarse, echarse deitar motion sirinii sirinii See Language page
live/be alive vivir viver, morar body kausgai kausgai See Language page
open/uncover abrir abrir other paska paska See Language page
pound/beat machacar, golpear bater impact kapii kapii See Language page
say decir dizer mental nii nii See Language page
scratch rascar rasgar impact aspii aspii See Language page
see ver ver mental kawai kawai See Language page
shoot tirar, disparar, balear atirar impact See Language page
sit sentar(se) sentar state tiarii tiarii See Language page
sleep dormir dormir body puñui puñui See Language page
sniff/smell olfatear, oler cheirar body asnai asnai primarily transitive See Language page
spit escupir cuspir body tukai tukai See Language page
split partir, dividir rachar, dividir, partir impact bandai, bandiai bandai, bandiai See Language page
squeeze estrujar, exprimir espremer impact surkui surkui See Language page
stab/pierce apuñalar, acuchillar apunhalar impact See Language page
stand estar de pié ficar em pé state saiarii, pininai saiarii, pininai See Language page
steal robar roubar other aisai, sisai aisai, sisai See Language page
suck chupar chupar body ubsii ubsii See Language page
swell hincharse inchar body pungii pungii See Language page
swim nadar nadar motion waitai waitai See Language page
think pensar pensar mental iuiai iuiai See Language page
throw tirar, lanzar atirar, jogar impact flichai (Spanish loan) flitʃai (Spaniʃ loan) See Language page
tie up/fasten atar, amarrar amarrar impact wangui, watai wangui, watai See Language page
turn girar, volter, torcer virar other tallii taʎii may be transitive or intransitive See Language page
vomit vomitar vomitar body kibnai, kimnai kibnai, kimnai See Language page
walk caminar, andar andar motion purii purii See Language page
work trabajar trabalhar other trabajai (Spanish loan) trabajai (Spaniʃ loan) See Language page
yawn bostezar bocejar body See Language page
tongue lengua lingua body kallu kaʎu See Language page
tooth diente dente body kiru kiru See Language page
two dos dois number iskai iskai See Language page
water agua agua environment iaku iaku See Language page
1pl.incl nosotros (inclusivo) nós (inclusivo) grammar nukanchi nukantʃi no inclusive/exclusive distinction unless noted See Language page
1pl.excl nosotros (exclusivo) nós (exclusivo) grammar See Language page
wet mojado molhado quality juku xuku See Language page
what? que, qué que grammar ima (relative)/imatak (interrogative) ima (relative)/imatak (interrogative) See Language page
when? cuando quando grammar imauatak imauatak See Language page
where? donde onde grammar maipi maipi See Language page
white blanco branco colour iura, lanku (Spanish loan) iura, lanku (Spaniʃ loan) See Language page
who? quien, quién quem grammar pi (reltive)/pitak (interrogative) pi (reltive)/pitak (interrogative) See Language page
wife esposa esposa kinship warmi warmi See Language page
wind viento vento environment waira waira See Language page
wing ala asa body See Language page
woman/female mujer mulher human warmi warmi See Language page
yellow amarillo amarelo colour killu kiʎu See Language page
2pl ustedes vocês grammar See Language page
foot pie pé body chaki tʃaki See Language page
again de nuevo, otra vez de novo grammar ikuti ikuti See Language page
all todo todos other tukui tukui See Language page
ankle tobillo tornozelo body chiuka/shibka tʃiuka/ʃibka See Language page
armpit axila, sobaco axila body See Language page
faeces heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol fezes body isma, kaka isma, kaka See Language page
lung pulmón pulmão body iura sungu iura sungu See Language page
sweat sudar suor, suar body jumbii jumbii See Language page
itch hormiguear, sentir comezón coçar body See Language page
bark corteza casca environment ispingu, kara See Language page
fingernail uña unha body sillu See Language page
heart corazón coração body sungu See Language page
sun sol sol time indi See Language page
mountain/hill montaña, colina, loma, cerro morro, serra environment tula See Language page
green verde verde quality mana pukuska, chawa See Language page
hot caliente quente quality kunu, rupa See Language page


Flora Fauna Vocabulary (133)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Linnean Name Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Range of Term Word Structure Word Structure Notes Classifier Classifier Notes Hypernym Source Association with Social Categories Ritual/Mythologically Significant Ritual Notes Food Source Food Notes Medicinal Medicinal Notes How Collected Who Collects How Prepared Psychotropic Psychotropic Notes Traded Trade Notes Distribution Habitat Dangerous Ethnobiology Notes Species Notes General Notes
bat murciélago morcego flora-fauna Chiroptera spp. chimbilaku túta síki(H&R) See Language page
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna pisku See Language page
curassow mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini) mutum flora-fauna Crax sp., Nothocrax sp. tʃúmbu (H&R) See Language page Amazonia
toucan tucán, pinsha (Peru) tucano flora-fauna Ramphastos sp. pikudu (Spanish loan?) pikúdu (H&R) See Language page Widespread Amazonia
gray-winged trumpeter Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris jacamim flora-fauna Psophia crepitans See Language page Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões
guan pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru) jacu flora-fauna Penelope sp. See Language page Different types have different localized ranges
tinamou tinamu, perdiz, gallineta inambu, inhambu flora-fauna family Tinamidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
hummingbird colibrí, picaflor (Peru) beija-flor flora-fauna family Trochilidae kindi kíndi (H&R) See Language page Widespread
kingfisher martín pescador, catalan (Peru) martim-pescador flora-fauna family Alcedinidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
owl (large) búho, lechuza corujão flora-fauna order Strigiformes kuskungu, killa mama (killa=moon; mama=mother) kusúngu ('owl', H&R) See Language page Widespread
macaw ara, guacamaya Arara flora-fauna family Psittacidae; Ara sp. wakamáju (H&R) See Language page Widespread Amazonia
parrot loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib) papagaio flora-fauna Amazona amazonica uritu urítu (H&R) See Language page Widespread
dove paloma pomba flora-fauna family Columbidae See Language page
hawk halcón, gavilán gavião flora-fauna family Accipitridae animas pisku, ilili See Language page
vulture buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru) urubu flora-fauna family Cathartidae kurikingi gabilán (SP loan, H&R) See Language page Widespread South America
duck pato pato, marreco flora-fauna Anatidae family iaku pato (wild duck) (Spanish loan) See Language page
great egret Garza Blanca, Guyratî Garça-Branca-Grande flora-fauna Ardea alba See Language page Widespread South America
woodpecker pájaro carpintero, carpintero pica-pau flora-fauna family Picidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna Canis famililaris alku álku (H&R) See Language page Not native; widespread
dog (wild; bush dog) sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta cachorro-do-mato flora-fauna Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis sach alku See Language page Widespread Amazonia
anteater oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus tamanduá flora-fauna Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater) See Language page Widespread Amazonian lowlands
armadillo armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo) tatu flora-fauna family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri matiwaja matiwáxa(H&R) See Language page Widespread in Amazonia
sloth pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru) macaco preguica flora-fauna Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
alligator, black caiman babilla; cachirre jacaré flora-fauna Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp. See Language page Throughout Amazonia Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
electric eel anguila eléctrica poraquê flora-fauna Electrophorus electricus See Language page
fish (generic) pez peixe flora-fauna chalwa tʃálwa (H&R) See Language page
pacu fish palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru) pacu flora-fauna Mylossoma sp. See Language page
pirana piraña, caribe piranha flora-fauna subfamily Serrasalmidae See Language page Widespread Amazonia
tigerfish taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru) traíra flora-fauna Hoplias sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
mandi catfish maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish) mandi flora-fauna Auchenipterus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
speckled catfish surubí, pintadillo surubim, sorubim flora-fauna Pseudoplatystoma sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
toad sapo sapo flora-fauna order Anura tilili, wambui sápu (SP loan), tilíli (H&R) See Language page
iguana iguana, garipiares (Colombia) camaleão flora-fauna Iguana sp. tortúga (Spanish loan, H&R) See Language page iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
small lizard lagartija calango flora-fauna order Squamata See Language page
stingray (generic) rayas látigo, raya arraia flora-fauna Potamotrygon sp. See Language page
crab cangrejo caranguejo flora-fauna infraorder Brachyura kangariju (Spanish loan) See Language page
anaconda anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande sucuri flora-fauna genus Eunectes See Language page Widespread Amazonia
boa boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura jiboia flora-fauna family Boidae, subf. Boinae See Language page
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna amarun kulíbra (SP loan, H&R) See Language page
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara jararaca flora-fauna Bothrops jararaca/atrox See Language page Widespread South America
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant) tortuga, morrocoy, motelo jabutí, tartaruga flora-fauna Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria See Language page Widespread
Amazon dolphin bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco) boto cor-de-rosa flora-fauna Inia geoffrensis See Language page Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls
mushroom champiñón, hongo cogumelo flora-fauna (any edible generic) kallamba See Language page prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
black palm bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá bacaba flora-fauna Oenocarpus bacaba See Language page Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
açai palm huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia) açaí flora-fauna Euterpe sp. See Language page floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia
miriti palm moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti buriti flora-fauna Mauritia flexuosa See Language page Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps trunks contain sago-like starch
palm for roof thatch pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná caraná flora-fauna Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana See Language page Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests palm
paxiuba palm pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba paxiuba flora-fauna Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea See Language page Widespread Amazonia palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol) pupunha flora-fauna Bactris gasipaes See Language page
seje palm ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá patoá, patuá flora-fauna Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua See Language page mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
coca coca coca flora-fauna Erythroxylum coca See Language page secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes plant
cotton algodón algodão flora-fauna Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers) See Language page secondary scrub vegetation plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
kapok ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.) sumaumeira flora-fauna Ceiba pentandra See Language page northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas tree
hot pepper ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru) pimenta flora-fauna Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens uchu útʃu(‘chili pepper’, H&R) See Language page secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden plant
peanut maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete amendoim flora-fauna Arachis hypogaea See Language page plant
pineapple piña abacaxi flora-fauna Ananas comosus tʃíhõ(H&R) See Language page plant
arrow cane, wildcane caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio flora-fauna Gynerium sagittatum wíru(‘cane’, H&R) See Language page tropical regions, especially river banks plant
banana, plantain banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano banana flora-fauna Musa sp. pupu andútʃi(‘green plantain wrapped in leaves so it will ferment’, H&R) See Language page Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
beans frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas) feijão flora-fauna Phaseolus spp. purutu See Language page plant
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna (generic) úgsa(H&R) See Language page
maize, corn mazorca, maiz milho flora-fauna Zea mays sara sára(H&R) See Language page widespread, esp. in river floodplains plant
tobacco tabaco tabaco flora-fauna Nicotiana tabacum See Language page plant
tree árbol arvore flora-fauna sacha sátʃa(H&R) See Language page
achiote, anatto achiote urucum flora-fauna Bixa orellana mandur mandúr(H&R) See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens shrub
inga guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru) inga flora-fauna Inga spp. pakai See Language page Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia)
avocado palta, aguacate abacate flora-fauna Persea americana See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree
bitterwood tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru) envira flora-fauna Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala See Language page secondary forests, native to Brazil tree
brazil nut castaña castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis) flora-fauna Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia'] See Language page 1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua. tree
cashew anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela) caju flora-fauna Anacardium occidentale / giganteum See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
genipap jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico genipapo, jenipapo flora-fauna Genipapa americana See Language page widespread lowland SA shrub
japurá oreja de murcielago japurá flora-fauna Erisma japura See Language page large tree
rubber tree (sorva) caucho, siringa, shiringa seringa, borracha flora-fauna Hevea sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia tree
ucuqui yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru) ucuqui flora-fauna Pouteria ucuqui See Language page native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
Amazon tree-grape uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.) cucura flora-fauna Pourouma cecropiifolia See Language page grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times a tree; not a true grape
manioc (bitter or generic) yuca brava mandioca flora-fauna Manihot esculenta See Language page not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition. Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet) yuca, caribe macaxeira flora-fauna Manihot esculenta rumu (not specified as bitter or sweet) rúmu (‘general’, H&R) See Language page Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
potato papa batata flora-fauna Solanum tuberosum papa rúmu (‘general’, H&R) See Language page secondary scrub vegetation compare entries for sweet potato
potato, sweet potato camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara batata-doce flora-fauna Ipomoea batatas kumal, kumala kumála(H&R) See Language page plant
cará tuber, purple or white camote, sachapapa cará roxo, branco flora-fauna Dioscorea sp. See Language page secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings plant
tannia, yautia huitina (Peru), ñame taioba branca flora-fauna Xanthosoma spp. kumála(‘yam’, H&R) See Language page
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree) calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara cabaça flora-fauna Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine) sacha puru (Crescentia) púru('gourd', H&R) See Language page indigenous gardens plant; tree
squash calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru) abóbora flora-fauna Cucurbita sp. sapallu See Language page plant
cipó vine tamishi, bejuco, yare cipó flora-fauna Heteropsis spp. See Language page secondary forest, floodplain vine
fish poison, barbasco barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó flora-fauna Lonchocarpus spp. See Language page secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation shrub/tree
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca ayahuasca, yage ayahuasca, caapi flora-fauna Banisteriopsis caapi aia waska (aia=spicy; waska=vine) ámbi, wáska, súma (=túgtu ‘pretty flower’, H&R) See Language page semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW vine
hallucinogenic snuff vilca, cebil, yopo paricá, yopo flora-fauna Anadenanthera sp. or virola See Language page
insect (generic) insecto insecto flora-fauna generic See Language page
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna Formicidae aɲángu(H&R) See Language page
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro tocandira flora-fauna Paraponera clavata iana añangu jana aɲangu (lit. 'black ant'?) See Language page
leaf-cutter ant Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse saúva flora-fauna Atta sp. See Language page
honeybee abeja abelha flora-fauna Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis abijun (Spanish loan) abix (H&R) See Language page
cockroach cucaracha barata-do-mato flora-fauna order Blattaria See Language page
firefly, lightning bug lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin) vagalume flora-fauna fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae nina kuru nina kuru See Language page
butterfly, moth mariposa borboleta flora-fauna order Lepidoptera See Language page
moth mariposa nocturna, polilla mariposa flora-fauna order Lepidoptera See Language page
angleworm lombriz minhoca flora-fauna order Opisthopora murkilla See Language page
centipede ciempiés centopéia flora-fauna class Chilopoda pasag chakiiung See Language page
scorpion escorpión; alacran escorpião flora-fauna order Scorpiones See Language page
cicada cigarra, chicharra cigarra flora-fauna super fam. Cicadoidea chapuli See Language page
flea pulga pulga flora-fauna order Siphonaptera piki píki (H&R) See Language page
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna Diptera chuspi tʃúspi (H&R) See Language page
cricket saltón, grillo grilo flora-fauna family Gryllidae See Language page
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil) suri, mojojoy larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá flora-fauna Rhynchophorus sp. See Language page
praying mantis, stick insects mantis religiosa louva-a-deus flora-fauna order Mantodea, family Mantidae See Language page
mosquito mosquito, zancudo mosquito, carapana flora-fauna Anopheles sp. chuspi (mosquito) See Language page
termites, white-ants comején (Peru), termitas cupim flora-fauna order Isoptera See Language page
tick garrapata carrapato flora-fauna superfam Ixodoidea See Language page
wasp avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa caba flora-fauna order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita See Language page
snail caracol, churo (Peru) caracol flora-fauna class Gastropoda churu See Language page
spider araña aranha flora-fauna Arachnidae, Araneae bajna baxna See Language page
jaguar yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru) onca flora-fauna Panthera onca tígri(SP loan, H&R) See Language page
manatee vaca marina, manatí peixe-boi flora-fauna Trichechus sp. See Language page
brown woolly monkey Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt macaco barrigudo flora-fauna Lagothrix lagothricha See Language page
howler monkey (red-handed) mono aullador, mono coto (Peru) guariba flora-fauna Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.] kutu kutu See Language page
tufted capuchin monkey mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero macaco prego flora-fauna Cebus apella See Language page
white-fronted capuchin Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru) Caiarara flora-fauna Cebus albifrons See Language page
white-fronted spider monkey Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia) macaco aranha, coatá, quatá flora-fauna Ateles belzebuth/paniscus See Language page
opossum zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo mucura flora-fauna family Didelphidae See Language page
giant otter Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria ariranha flora-fauna Pteronura brasiliensis jáku álku (='river dog') See Language page
neotropical otter (small) Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia) lontra flora-fauna Lontra longicaudis iaku alku (iaku=water, river;alku=dog) See Language page
collared peccary sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar caititu, caetitu flora-fauna Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu saíno, sájnu/saxínu (H&R) See Language page
white-lipped peccary Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana queixada flora-fauna Tayassu pecari See Language page
porcupine puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru) cuandu, porco-espinho flora-fauna family Erethizontidae michichin See Language page
cotamundi, coatimundi Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache quati flora-fauna genus Nasua See Language page
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti) Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado cutia flora-fauna Dasyprocta spp. See Language page
capybara Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco capivara flora-fauna Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris See Language page
green acouchi Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo cutiara flora-fauna Myoprocta pratti kui See Language page
paca (lowland) Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana) paca flora-fauna Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.) See Language page
mouse, rat ratón camundongo, rata flora-fauna Mus musculus ukucha ukútʃa (H&R) See Language page
squirrel ardilla, danta (Ven) serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo flora-fauna family Sciuridae ardita (Spanish loan) See Language page
tapir sachavaca, danta anta flora-fauna Tapirus terrestris sacha wagra (Spanish loan) dánta (SP loan, H&R) See Language page
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus taruka, chuntaruku tarúka(H&R) See Language page
horse caballo cavalho flora-fauna Equus caballus kaballu kabaʎu See Language page


Cultural Vocabulary (97)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes Word Structure Word Structure Notes General Notes Source
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material saparu saparu See Language page
basket, small canasta, canasto, cesta cesto pequeno, tampado culture-material puti puti See Language page
bead abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar miçanga culture-material wallka waʎka See Language page
bed cama cama culture-material kawitu, puñudiru kawitu, puñudiru See Language page
hammock hamaca, chinchorro rede culture-material See Language page
bench, seat banco, silla, asiento banco culture-material banku (Spanish loan) banku (Spanish loan) See Language page
canoe canoa canoa transport See Language page
drum (large signal) tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia) tambor culture Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances See Language page
drum tambor tambor culture-mythology See Language page
shaman, healer chamán, brujo xaman, pajé, feiticeiro culture-mythology sinchi (= 'powerful') sintʃi (= 'powerful') In RN region, there is typically one person per village (if that) who is a full-fledged 'shaman'. He is very much a specialist and has considerable power to cure, as well as power to curse. He is respected and feared. Shamans are thought to turn themselv See Language page
healer curandero benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano) culture-mythology iacha iatʃa Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well. See Language page
broom escoba vassoura culture-material See Language page
clothing ropa roupa culture-mythology churaridiru tʃuraridiru See Language page
fence, palisade cerco cerca other kincha kintʃa may be related to defense/warfare? See Language page
firewood leña lenha other iamta iamta See Language page
Curupira (spirit type) Curupira, Madremonte Curupira culture-mythology malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology kuku kuku See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure dios(es), deidad divinidade, figura mítica culture-mythology In RN region, frequently translates as 'Bone-Son', 'One on the bone', etc. See Language page
flute flauta, quena (Peru) flauta culture-mythology multiple types? japurutu, deer-bone, etc. See Language page
panpipe carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora caniço, flauta de pã culture-mythology See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making canoa para chicha cocho de caxiri narcotics bungu artisa bungu artisa See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya) kapiwaya capiwaya culture-mythology See Language page
knife cuchillo faca culture-material kuchillu (Spanish loan) kutʃiʎu (Spanish loan) See Language page
machete machete facão culture-material kuchillu (Spanish loan) kutʃiʎu (Spanish loan) See Language page
axe/stone axe hacha (de piedra) machado (de pedra) subsistence tool especially for clearing fields See Language page
arrow flecha flecha subsistence tool plicha (Spanish loan) plitʃa (Spanish loan) hunting, warfare See Language page
spear lanza lança subsistence tool See Language page
bow arco arco subsistence tool árku (Sp., H&R) árku (Sp., H&R) arco See Language page
paddle/oar remo remo transport See Language page
plate plato prato culture-material kallana kaʎana See Language page
pot olla, pote panela, vasilha subsistence tool manga manga See Language page
basin/bowl tazón, plato hondo, taza tijela culture-material batia (Spanish loan?) batia (Spanish loan?) See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru) forno para beiju subsistence tool kallana kaʎana agriculture? See Language page
rattle matraca, maraca marico, chocalho culture-mythology maraka (Sp.?) maraka (Sp.?) See Language page
resin resina, brea, copal resina, brea, breu subsistence tool karaña karaña See Language page
wax cera cera other See Language page
honey miel mel food miski miski only gathered in wild throughout Amazonia? See Language page
stone for lighting fires piedra para hacer fuego pedra para acender fogo culture-material See Language page
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture waska waska See Language page
tattoo tatuaje, tatu tatuagem culture-mythology See Language page
thatch/roof crisneja palha, caraná culture-material See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women) yurupari jurupari culture-mythology a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women. See Language page
fetish, charm fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga feitiço, puçanga culture-mythology See Language page
feather headdress plumaje, corona de plumas enfeite/capacete de penas culture-mythology llaugtu, walka ʎaugtu, walka See Language page
paint body, body paint pintura corporal pintura corporal culture-mythology See Language page
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven tierra do los muertos terra dos mortos culture-mythology See Language page
school escuela escola acculturation iachaikui wasi 'knowledge house' iatʃaikui wasi 'knowledge house' See Language page
bottle botella garrafa acculturation butilla butiʎa See Language page
paper papel papel acculturation See Language page
dream sueño, soñar sonho, sonhar culture-mythology muskui muskui See Language page
chicken gallina galinha acculturation atawalpa atawalpa See Language page
grave tumba, sepultura, sepulcro sepultura, sepulcro, cova culture-mythology See Language page
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other See Language page
sugarcane/sugar azúcar, caña de azúcar açucar (de cana) acculturation See Language page
skirt falda, saya, fustan, pollera saia culture-material miglla migʎa See Language page
shoes zapatos sapatos dress See Language page
policeman polícia policía acculturation See Language page
soldier soldado soldado acculturation See Language page
cat gato gato acculturation michi mitʃi See Language page
gun arma, escopeta espingarda, fusil acculturation karabina karabina See Language page
hat sombero chapéu dress chuta tʃuta See Language page
chief/leader jefe, cacique chefe culture-mythology iaia iaia See Language page
club garrote, cachiporra clava, porrete subsistence tool See Language page
loincloth taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla tanga, tapa-sexo dress See Language page
fireplace hogar lareira other See Language page
fishing line cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze linha de pesca subsistence tool See Language page
salt sal sal food kachi katʃi See Language page
song (generic) canción, canto canção culture-mythology takii (traditional/festival) takii (traditional/festival) See Language page
blowgun cerbatana, pucuna (Peru) zarabatana subsistence tool budukira budukira currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region See Language page
dart (blowgun) dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru) dardo, seta subsistence tool hunting and warfare See Language page
fan abanico abanador, abano subsistence tool esp. for fanning a cooking fire See Language page
fish (with line) anzuelear, pescar con linea pescar (com linha) food ansuilai (Spanish loan) ansuilai (Spanish loan) See Language page
fish (with fish-poison) pescar con barbasco, barbasquear pescar com timbó; tinguijar food See Language page
hunt cazar caçar food tarukiai (to hunt deer) tarukiai (to hunt deer) See Language page
game animal caza, animal de caza caça, animal de caça food Interesting correlation to 'fish' in Tukanoan languages See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl) cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo cuia subsistence tool mati, puru mati, puru See Language page
grater rallador, rallo ralador, ralo subsistence tool esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf) barbacoa jirau subsistence tool See Language page
mortar mortero pilão subsistence tool See Language page
pestle pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor mão de pilão subsistence tool See Language page
fermented drink masato, chicha caxiri, chicha culture aswa aswa prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made See Language page
flour/meal from manioc fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina farinha food agriculture See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe beiju food usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits See Language page
starch (tapioca, other) almidón goma de tapioca food See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau cahuana, caguana mingau food agriculture See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer) tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca tipiti food word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc See Language page
tripod for washing manioc trípode tripé subsistence tool agriculture See Language page
venom for darts, poison veneno curare subsistence tool hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?) See Language page
woven strainer/sieve colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru) peneira, cumatá subsistence tool susunga susunga agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour See Language page
bait for fishing cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru) isca subsistence tool can refer to worms; more generic See Language page
fishtrap trampa de peces, trampa matapi, cacuri subsistence tool tuglla tugʎa See Language page
bottom grinding stone manufacture rumi rumi if different word from top grinding stone See Language page
digging stick subsistence tool See Language page
top grinding stone metate, mano; piedra de moler metate, mano manufacture use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic) subsistence tool See Language page
spearthrower subsistence tool See Language page
house other wasi wasi See Language page


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Grammatical Notes Source Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Pre-/post-nasalized stops Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. no Levinson 1976:23-25
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] no Levinson 1978:1
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast no There are no palatalized consonants but there are palatal consonants. Hoever, Levinson 1976 considers the palatal lateral as an palatalized alveolar lateral Levinson 1978:1
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? no Levinson 1976:23
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels no Levinson 1978:1
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme yes Complex onsets are optional; simple onsets preferred Levinson 1976:21
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] no Levinson 1976:21
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? no codas are optional *(C)# Levinson 1976:21-2
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones no Levinson 1976:19-32
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? yes Stress is highly predicatable though Levinson 1976:29
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments no info
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? no info
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony no vowel inventory has only 3 sounds; differences in two dialects, but no harmony found Levinson 1976:19-32
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] no However, situation in which first person acts upon second person in which a single verbal suffix /-iki/ marks both subject and object. This is the only case of verbal fusion I have found. So, fusion is limited to this suffix only. Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone no stem change Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes Levinson 1974, 1976, 1978
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no variety of affixes, including infixes Levinson 1974, 1976, 1978
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes Levinson 1974, 1976, 1978
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1978
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated no However, the repetition of a verb is used to express emphasis. Repetition of words is also used to express a repeated or continuos action. Levinson 1976b:88
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated no info more likely not Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced no info more likely not Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word no most examples are gerund+verb, but other constructions are possible Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' no info
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs yes Verbs of motion are used as auxiliaries. Levinson 1976:74
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns no especially prepositions and temporal expressions Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders no info
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter no There is some evidence of grammatical gender, but data is inconclusive so far; will note this and return to the question once a more definite answer can be given Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human yes /-dero/ is used to desiganted generic inanimate nouns while /-g/ is used to designate generic animate nonus Levinson 1976b:2
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only no Levinson 1974:26
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups no not noted in the data Levinson 1974:26
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun yes add suffix "-cuna" to the noun root Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic no -cuna Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only no marked on all nouns Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns yes Except for the first person plural pronoun Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' yes This nominal suffix "expresses an intimate relation or close association between two or more people or objects." Levinson 1976b:54
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness no The third person pronoun can also be used as a marker of definiteness to show respect for the referent Levinson 1974:13
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker no info
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you no Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) no Levinson 1978:11-23
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system 2 it appears that their system is similar to Spanish "aquí, aquel, este, esto, esta, etc.", however the data does not state this directly--this inference is, so far, borne out by the data Levinson 1974:13
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) no Levinson 1974:13
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns no Levinson 1974:26
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns no Levinson 1974:26
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Levinson 1974:26
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix no info depending on the context, can be an infix [-ri-] or [-ra-] (noted in data)
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients no Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 7 Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are no Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) no Levinson 1978:7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates yes Specificity is required to marked object NPs with accusative case. Unspecific NPs do not get accusative case. Levinson 1978:7
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Levinson 1978:6-7, Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic no Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic no Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change no Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone no Parks 1990:76
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' yes Levinson 1978:7
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Levinson 1974:40
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 no Levinson 1974:40
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 yes Levinson 1974:40
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no Levinson 1974:40
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' no Levinson 1974:40
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Levinson 1974:40
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Levinson 1976b:55
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no Levinson 1978:5-23
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no Levinson 1978:5-23
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? no ILV 1976:35-6
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? yes ILV 1976:35-6
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' yes ILV 1976:35-6
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' no ILV 1976:35-6
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) yes This is a nominal suffix which is used for inalienable possession Levinson 1976b:54
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father no info more likely yes Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg no info
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) no Levinson 1978:5-11
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes yes Levinson 1974:73-8
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco no Levinson 1974:30
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb yes This is the past particple which is used as a deverbal nominalizer suffix Levinson 1976b:17-8
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb yes There is also a nominalizer for instruments /-nga/ Levinson 1978:5
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb yes Levinson 1978:6
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective yes It indicates a change of state Levinson 1976b:31-2
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere yes Levinson 1978:14-5
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past no info
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future yes /-/ mark inmediate future but this verbal suffix is optional Levinson 1978:14-5, Levinson 1974:67
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) yes Levinson 1978:14-5, Levinson 1974:48
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Levinson 1978:14-5, Levinson 1974:48
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Levinson 1978:14-5, Levinson 1974:48
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut no Levinson 1978:14-5, Levinson 1974:48
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Levinson 1978:14-5, Levinson 1974:48
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood yes Levinson 1987:20
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) no Levinson 1978:11-23
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses yes /ama/ is the negative for imperatives Levinson 1978:30
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' yes Levinson 1978:21
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something yes Levinson 1976b:56
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction no Levinson 1976b:56
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking no Levinson 1976b:56
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") no info
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality no The non-future time is used which is formed by just adding subject cross-reference markers on the verb Levinson 1974:16
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' no Levinson 1978:11-23
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' no Levinson 1978:11-23
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative yes The diminutive suffix borrowed form Spanish /-ito, -ita/ are used as affective markers as well as diminutive Levinson 1976b:65
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. yes Levinson 1978:22
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker yes Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) no Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. yes Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' yes Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse no Levinson 1978:11-25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above yes This clitic expresses doubt for facts for which there is not tangible evidence Levinson 1976b:49
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic yes Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs no Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle yes The evidentiality clitics tend to appear on vebrs but they can also attach to a preverbal constituent Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme no Levinson 1978:25
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion no Levinson 1978:11-23
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction no info
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order no Levinson 1978:24-5
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject no Levinson 1978:24-5
Word Order VS in transitive clauses no Levinson 1978:25
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object no Levinson 1978:25
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject no Levinson 1978:25
Word Order Preposition-Noun no Parks 1990:76
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix no Parks 1990:76
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) yes ILV 1976:35-6
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') no Levinson 1974:19
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun yes Levinson 1978:23
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun no Levinson 1974:19
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Levinson 1974:19
Word Order Noun-Dem no Levinson 1974:19
Word Order Num-Noun yes Based on the other instances of dependet-head found in the NP. Levinson 1978:23, Levinson 1974:19
Word Order Noun-Num no Levinson 1978:23, Levinson 1974:19
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies no info
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no info
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no info
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no info
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes Levinson 1972:260-1
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects yes Levinson 1978:7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked no Levinson 1978:7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative yes It is the same alignment as for full NPs Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive no Levinson 1978:7, Levinson 1974:15-7
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs yes Subjects are cross referenced on the verb Levinson 1978:13, Levinson 1974:27
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Levinson 1978:13, Levinson 1974:27
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no Levinson 1978:13, Levinson 1974:27
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) no Levinson 1978:13, Levinson 1974:27
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. yes It seems that defineness and referentiality play a roll in the alignment system. No referential or indefinite objects do not get accusative case-marking. Thus, the aligment is neutral in these instances. Levinson 1978:7
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects yes Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b.
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Levinson 1974:9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) yes Levinson 1974:9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b.
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b.
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes yes Levinson 1978:11-23
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers yes Levinson 1978:11-23
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers no except for the situation in which first person acts upon second person in which a single verbal suffix /-iki/ marks both subject and object Levinson 1978:13
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system yes Levinson 1974:9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Objects are not coreferenced on the verb Levinson 1974:9
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately yes There are two plural markers on the verb: /-tʃi/ for first and second person and /-kuna/ for third person Levinson 1974:27
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes no info
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent no
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently no Levinson 1974:16
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives yes Both direct and indirect object receive /-ta/ if they are specific. Levinson 1974:16
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently no Levinson 1974:16
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. yes The same suffix is also used to mark reflexives Levinson 1987:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. yes Levinson 1987:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb yes Levinson 1987:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb yes Levinson 1978:22
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb no info
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb no Levinson 1978:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb yes Levinson 1978:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix no Levinson 1978:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization no Levinson 1978:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' no info more likely not Levinson 1978:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event no info Levinson 1978:12
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency no Levinson 1978:11-23
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element yes Levinson 1974:39-40
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element no Levinson 1974:39-40
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix yes Levinson 1974:39-40
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle yes Levinson 1974:39-40
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb no Levinson 1974:39-40
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' yes ILV 1976:34-5
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' no info
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase no info
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle yes Levinson 1972:260-1
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology no This morpheme is attached to Levinson 1972:260-1
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no Levinson 1972:260-4
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only no Levinson 1972:260-1
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) no Levinson 1972:260-4
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix no info
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) no info
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) yes However, this verbal suffix is restricted in the way that the verb can take only a small set of objects as its arguments like "meat", "water", etc. Levinson 1976b:14
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. no Levinson 1974, 1976, 1976b
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined yes Levinson 1987:27-9
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence yes Levinson 1987:27-9