Languages of hunter-gatherers and their neighbors

Koreguaje

Family
Tukanoan
Region
South America
ISO 639-3
coe
Location
0.92°, -75.35°
Notes
Features
Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
Data Sources
Chacon, Thiago. 2014. A Revised Proposal of Proto-Tukanoan Consonants and Tukanoan Family Classification. International Journal of American Linguistics 80.3: 275-322. Cook, Dorothy & Linda L. Criswell 1993. El idioma koreguaje (Tucano occidental). Bogotá: ILV. Cook, Dorothy and Gralow, Frances. 2001. Diccionario bilingüe: Koreguaje - Español, Español - Koreguaje. Bogotá: Editorial Alberto Lleras Camargo. Gralow, Frances L. & Cook, Dorothy M. 1984. Hablemos Coreguaje. Lomalinda, Meta, Colombia : Editorial Townsend. Young, Carolyn M. and Cook, Dorothy and Gralow, Frances L. and Cook, Dorothy M. 1984. Fonología del coreguaje. Sistemas fonológicos de idiomas colombianos (V.G.Waterhouse, comp.), ILV/MG, Bogotá 1972 5. 59-79.


Basic Vocabulary (191)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes General Notes Source
above encima, arriba acima location sẽ'sevʉ sẽʔsebʉ inheritance? See Language page
and y e grammar See Language page
ash ceniza(s) cinzas environment ũhacʉta ũhakʉta inheritance See Language page
at en, a em, a location See Language page
back espalda costas body sõkʉñʉ sõkʉɲʉ inheritance See Language page
bad mal mal quality missing See Language page
belly barriga barriga body missing See Language page
below abajo, debajo abaixo location vʉ'evʉ bʉʔebʉ inheritance See Language page
big grande grande quality missing See Language page
black negro preto colour chija'che dʒixaʔdʒe inheritance See Language page
blood sangre sangue body chie dʒie inheritance See Language page
boil/pimple espinilla, granos espinha, borbulha body jẽ'etõ'tova xẽʔetõʔtova unknown See Language page
bone hueso osso body tarapʉ tharapʉ inheritance See Language page
breast pecho, seno peito body ã'capʉ ãʔkapʉ unknown See Language page
child niño, niña criança human chiiʉ (male), chĩio (female) dʒiiʉ, dʒĩio inheritance See Language page
cloud nube nuvem environment okomala, pikho okomala, pikho unknown See Language page
cold frío frio quality sʉsʉche sʉsʉdʒe inheritance See Language page
correct/true verdad, de veras verdade quality joremachʉ'oku xoremadʒʉʔoku unique See Language page
day día dia time umucuse umukuse inheritance See Language page
dirty sucio sujo quality si'si siʔsi inheritance See Language page
dingo/wolf fauna See Language page
dry seco seco quality jãjumʉ xãxumʉ inheritance See Language page
dull/blunt sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo maçante, desamolado, não afiado quality hɨ̃hɨ̃sɨ-maʔ- hɨ̃hɨ̃sɨ-maʔ- See Language page
dust polvo poeira environment cha'opo dʒaʔopo See Language page
ear oreja orelha body cãjoro kãxoro inheritance See Language page
earth/soil tierra terra environment cha'o dʒaʔo inheritance See Language page
egg huevo ovo fauna chiapʉ dʒiapʉ inheritance See Language page
eye ojo olho body ñakoa ɲakhoa inheritance See Language page
far lejos longe quality so'o soʔo inheritance See Language page
fat/grease grasa gordura body uchape'e udʒapeʔe unique See Language page
father padre, papá pai kinship ja'kʉ xaʔkhʉ inheritance See Language page
feather pluma pena fauna kaapʉ khaapʉ unique See Language page
fire fuego fogo environment toa thoa inheritance See Language page
flower flor flor environment korosi pa'pava korosi paʔpaba unique See Language page
fog niebla, neblina nevoeira, bruma, neblina environment oko jumupʉ oko xumupʉ See Language page
fruit fruta fruta flora kʉisi'pʉ kʉisiʔpʉ inheritance See Language page
good bueno bom quality ãja ãxa inheritance See Language page
hair (of head) cabello cabelo body raña raɲa inheritance See Language page
hand mano mão body jʉtʉ xʉ̃tʉ inheritance See Language page
3sg el/ella ele/ela grammar ikʉ (male) / iko (female) ikʉ / iko inheritance See Language page
head cabeza cabeça body sĩjopʉ sĩxopʉ inheritance See Language page
heavy pesado pesado quality rʉkʉmʉ rʉkʉmʉ inheritance See Language page
how? como como grammar ũcuaʉache ũkuaʉakhe inheritance See Language page
1sg yo eu grammar chʉ'ʉ dʒʉʔʉ inheritance For pronouns: include bound/cliticized pronominal forms where significantly different from the free forms See Language page
if si se grammar See Language page
in/inside dentro, adentro dentro location sa'navʉ saʔnavʉ inheritance See Language page
intestines intestinos intestinos body kɨtha-thɨo kɨtha-thɨo inheritance See Language page
lake lago lago environment chiara dʒiara inheritance See Language page
leaf hoja folha environment ja'ova xaʔoba inheritance See Language page
left/left hand izquierdo esquerdo location/body khãʔkho-hɨ̃thɨ-ka khãʔkho-hɨ̃thɨ-ka inheritance See Language page
leg/foot pierna perna body kũʔa-pɨ kũʔa-pɨ inheritance See Language page
lightning rayo, relámpago relampago environment fe'nemʉ (verb) feʔnemʉ inheritance See Language page
liver hígado figado body chemepʉ dʒemepʉ inheritance See Language page
long largo comprido, longo quality rũhicuecho rũhikuedʒo unique See Language page
louse piollo, piojo piolho fauna cʉ'ʉ kʉ̃ʔʉ inheritance order Phtiraptera See Language page
man/male hombre homem human pãiʉ pãiʉ unique See Language page
meat/flesh carne carne fauna va'i baʔi inheritance See Language page
moon luna lua environment pãimiaʉ pãimiaʉ unique See Language page
mother madre, mamá mãe kinship ja'ko xaʔkho inheritance See Language page
mouth boca boca body chʉ'opo dʒʉʔopo inheritance See Language page
name nombre nome human mami mami loan into protolanguage, direction unknown Boran, Witotoan, Tukanoan See Language page
near/close cerca de perto quality aikuerʉ aikuerʉ inheritance See Language page
nape base del cuello, nuca nuca body camu kamu See Language page
neck cuello pescoço body cavʉ kabʉ unique See Language page
new nuevo novo quality mama mama inheritance See Language page
night noche noite time ñami ɲami inheritance See Language page
no/not no não grammar pãamʉ pãamʉ inheritance See Language page
nose nariz nariz body ʉke ʉ̃khe inheritance See Language page
old viejo velho quality aina aina inheritance See Language page
one uno um number te'echo teʔedʒo inheritance See Language page
other otro outro grammar tĩiñe tĩiɲe inheritance See Language page
pain/painful/sick dolor, doloroso, enfermo dor, doloroso, doente body jũnisomʉ xũnisomʉ inheritance See Language page
person/human being persona pessoa human pãiʉ pãiʉ inheritance See Language page
rain lluvia chuva environment oko, cʉnaʉmʉ oko (cʉnaʉmʉ=sky; oko=water oko, cʉnaʉmʉ oko inheritance See Language page
red rojo vermelho colour maaja'ñe maaxaʔɲe inheritance See Language page
right/right hand derecha direita location/body rũhiñe rũhiɲe unique See Language page
road/path camino caminho manufacture ma'a maʔa inheritance See Language page
root raíz raiz flora saivʉ saibʉ inheritance See Language page
rotten podrido podre quality vʉʉsomʉ vʉʉsomʉ unique See Language page
sand arena areia environment meja mexa inheritance See Language page
sharp afilado, filudo, filoso afiado quality hɨ̃hɨsɨ- hɨ̃hɨsɨ- inheritance See Language page
short corto curto quality capʉ kapʉ unique See Language page
shoulder hombro ombro body tãtava tãtaba inheritance See Language page
shy/ashamed tímido, vergonzoso timido, com vergonha mental missing See Language page
skin piel pele body ca'nivu kaʔnibu inheritance See Language page
sky cielo céu environment cʉnaʉmʉ kʉnaʉmʉ inheritance See Language page
small pequeño pequeno quality chiiʉ (male), chĩio (female) dʒiiʉ, dʒĩio unknown See Language page
smoke humo fumaça environment piko pikho inheritance See Language page
star estrella estrela environment ma'jñakoo maʔxɲakhoo inheritance See Language page
stick/wood palo pau, vara flora vãsocho bãsodʒo inheritance See Language page
stone piedra pedra environment catapʉ katapʉ inheritance See Language page
tail cola, rabo rabo body jĩkocho jĩkhodʒo inheritance See Language page
that ese/esa esse grammar jã'a (neuter), jã'o (female), jã'ʉ xãʔa, xãʔo, xãʔʉ inheritance See Language page
3pl ellos/ellas eles/elas grammar jeena xeena inheritance See Language page
thick grueso, gordo, espeso grosso quality tʉ'ʉñe tʉ̃ʔʉɲe inheritance See Language page
thin delgado fino quality ruhira'chomʉ ruhiraʔdʒomʉ unique See Language page
this este/esta este grammar icheja, iko (female), ikʉ (male) idʒexa, iko, ikʉ inheritance See Language page
2sg xx xx grammar mʉ'ʉ mʉʔʉ inheritance See Language page
throat garganta garganta body cakorovʉ kakorobʉ doubtful loan Quechua, orig. Spanish? See Language page
three tres tres number choteñoã dʒoteɲoa unique See Language page
thunder truenos trovão environment caraʉ karaʉ doubtful loan Witoto See Language page
bite morder morder body kũ'imʉ kũʔimʉ inheritance See Language page
blow soplar soprar body juhimʉ, sumʉ, jujumʉ xuhimʉ, sumʉ, xuxumʉ inheritance See Language page
breathe respirar respirar body chʉ'emʉ dʒʉʔemʉ inheritance See Language page
burn quemar queimar environment ʉomʉ ʉomʉ inheritance See Language page
chew masticar, mascar mastigar body me'namʉ meʔnamʉ unique See Language page
climb subir subir motion maimʉ maimʉ inheritance See Language page
come venir vir motion raimʉ, mʉtamʉ raimʉ, mʉtamʉ inheritance See Language page
cook cocinar cozinhar impact kua'komʉ kuaʔkomʉ inheritance See Language page
count contar contar mental kuẽkuemʉ kuẽkuemʉ inheritance See Language page
cry llorar chorar mental oimʉ oimʉ inheritance See Language page
cut/hack cortar cortar impact chʉtomʉ dʒʉtomʉ unknown See Language page
die/be dead morir morrer state cho'osomʉ dʒoʔosomʉ unknown See Language page
dig cavar cavar impact pijemʉ pixemʉ unique See Language page
dream soñar sonhar mental ʉo kãni ñamʉ ʉo kãni ɲamʉ inheritance See Language page
drink beber, tomar beber body ũkumʉ ũkhumʉ inheritance See Language page
eat comer comer body ãimʉ ãimʉ inheritance See Language page
fall caer cair motion tãimʉ tãimʉ inheritance See Language page
fear miedo medo mental βahɨdʒɨ- βahɨdʒɨ- inheritance See Language page
flow fluir fluir motion jãimʉ xãimʉ inheritance See Language page
fly volar voar motion cãva ku'imʉ kãba khuʔimʉ inheritance See Language page
grow crecer crescer state aineemʉ aineemʉ unique See Language page
hear oír ouvir mental asamʉ asamʉ inheritance See Language page
hide esconder esconder motion chavemʉ dʒavemʉ inheritance See Language page
hit golpear, pegar bater impact vaimʉ baimʉ unknown See Language page
hold correr, asegurar, sostener segurar other kãhi- kãhi- inheritance See Language page
kill matar matar impact vanisomʉ banisomʉ inheritance See Language page
know/be knowledgeable saber, conecer saber, conhecer mental masimʉ masimʉ inheritance See Language page
laugh reír rir mental somʉ somʉ inheritance See Language page
lie down acostarse, echarse deitar motion ũi- ũi- inheritance See Language page
live/be alive vivir viver, morar body pa'imʉ, vajʉmʉ paʔimʉ, baxʉmʉ inheritance See Language page
open/uncover abrir abrir other missing See Language page
pound/beat machacar, golpear bater impact ja'emʉ xaʔemʉ See Language page
say decir dizer mental chiimʉ, i'kamʉ dʒiimʉ, iʔkamʉ inheritance See Language page
scratch rascar rasgar impact ko'rʉmʉ koʔrʉmʉ inheritance See Language page
see ver ver mental ñamʉ ɲamʉ inheritance See Language page
shoot tirar, disparar, balear atirar impact jaomʉ xaomʉ unknown See Language page
sit sentar(se) sentar state ño'vemʉ ɲoʔbemʉ unique See Language page
sleep dormir dormir body kãimʉ kãimʉ inheritance See Language page
sniff/smell olfatear, oler cheirar body sʉmʉ, vʉomʉ sʉmʉ, vʉomʉ inheritance primarily transitive See Language page
spit escupir cuspir body tutumʉ tutumʉ inheritance See Language page
split partir, dividir rachar, dividir, partir impact vatomʉ batomʉ inheritance See Language page
squeeze estrujar, exprimir espremer impact quimʉ, cañomo kimʉ, kaɲomo inheritance See Language page
stab/pierce apuñalar, acuchillar apunhalar impact hua-, 'thotha hua-, 'thotha inheritance See Language page
stand estar de pié ficar em pé state canʉkamʉ, jʉvomʉ, vʉimʉ kanʉkamʉ, xʉbomʉ, bʉimʉ inheritance See Language page
steal robar roubar other ñaamʉ ɲaamʉ inheritance See Language page
suck chupar chupar body viimʉ biimʉ inheritance See Language page
swell hincharse inchar body kotomʉ kotomʉ inheritance See Language page
swim nadar nadar motion chu'amʉ dʒuʔamʉ inheritance See Language page
think pensar pensar mental cuasamʉ kuasamʉ doubtful loan Tupi-Guarani See Language page
throw tirar, lanzar atirar, jogar impact su'amʉ suʔamʉ unique See Language page
tie up/fasten atar, amarrar amarrar impact quẽomʉ kẽomʉ inheritance See Language page
turn girar, volter, torcer virar other canimʉ kanimʉ inheritance may be transitive or intransitive See Language page
vomit vomitar vomitar body sisomʉ sisomʉ inheritance See Language page
walk caminar, andar andar motion ku'imʉ khuʔimʉ inheritance See Language page
work trabajar trabalhar other cho'omʉ dʒoʔomʉ inheritance See Language page
yawn bostezar bocejar body ʉo cha'amʉ ʉo dʒaʔamʉ inheritance See Language page
tongue lengua lingua body chemeño dʒemeɲo inheritance See Language page
tooth diente dente body cõjiñʉ kõxiɲʉ inheritance See Language page
two dos dois number dorepañoã (Spanish loan) dorepaɲoã loan Spanish See Language page
water agua agua environment oko okho inheritance See Language page
1pl.incl nosotros (inclusivo) nós (inclusivo) grammar mai mai inheritance no inclusive/exclusive distinction unless noted See Language page
1pl.excl nosotros (exclusivo) nós (exclusivo) grammar chʉkʉna dʒʉkhʉna inheritance See Language page
wet mojado molhado quality chakʉmʉ (to be wet) dʒakhʉmʉ inheritance See Language page
what? que, qué que grammar ʉque ʉke doubtful loan Spanish See Language page
when? cuando quando grammar jeerʉmʉ, kerʉmʉ xeerʉmʉ, kerʉmʉ inheritance See Language page
where? donde onde grammar jeecheja jeecheja inheritance See Language page
white blanco branco colour missing See Language page
who? quien, quién quem grammar nee pate (who is this?) nee pathe inheritance See Language page
wife esposa esposa kinship rʉjo rʉxo inheritance See Language page
wind viento vento environment thuthu thuthu inheritance See Language page
wing ala asa body kaa, kue'chaka kaa, kueʔdʒaka inheritance See Language page
woman/female mujer mulher human pãio pãio inheritance shared Siona See Language page
yellow amarillo amarelo colour pachoja'che padʒoxaʔdʒe unique See Language page
2pl ustedes vocês grammar mʉsanʉko mʉsanʉko inheritance See Language page
foot pie pé body cũ'apu kũʔapu inheritance See Language page
again de nuevo, otra vez de novo grammar checʉcho dʒekʉdʒo unknown See Language page
all todo todos other peore peore inheritance See Language page
ankle tobillo tornozelo body cũ'apʉ kũʔapʉ unique See Language page
armpit axila, sobaco axila body missing See Language page
faeces heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol fezes body missing See Language page
lung pulmón pulmão body kuãʔu-pɨ kuãʔu-pɨ unique See Language page
sweat sudar suor, suar body ʉsʉʉ ca'namʉ ʉ̃sʉʉ kaʔnamʉ inheritance See Language page
itch hormiguear, sentir comezón coçar body ju'jemʉ xuʔxemʉ See Language page
bark corteza casca environment ko'ña khoʔɲa inheritance See Language page
fingernail uña unha body koovʉ khoobʉ inheritance See Language page
heart corazón coração body aʉ aʉ inheritance See Language page
sun sol sol time ʉsʉʉ ʉ̃sʉʉ inheritance See Language page
mountain/hill montaña, colina, loma, cerro morro, serra environment aikũti aikhũthi inheritance See Language page
green verde verde quality vĩjañeja'ñe bĩxaɲexaʔɲe inheritance? See Language page
hot caliente quente quality missing See Language page


Flora Fauna Vocabulary (133)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Linnean Name Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Range of Term Word Structure Word Structure Notes Classifier Classifier Notes Hypernym Source Association with Social Categories Ritual/Mythologically Significant Ritual Notes Food Source Food Notes Medicinal Medicinal Notes How Collected Who Collects How Prepared Psychotropic Psychotropic Notes Traded Trade Notes Distribution Habitat Dangerous Ethnobiology Notes Species Notes General Notes
bat murciélago morcego flora-fauna Chiroptera spp. ocho odʒo inheritance See Language page
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna pĩ'a pĩʔa inheritance See Language page
curassow mitu, montete (Peru), paujil/panjuil (Peru), paujil de Salvin (Peru for Mitu salvini) mutum flora-fauna Crax sp., Nothocrax sp. kuĩa khuĩa, sui loan, direction unknown Matses kuja See Language page Amazonia
toucan tucán, pinsha (Peru) tucano flora-fauna Ramphastos sp. ñase ɲase doubtful loan into protolanguage North Arawak See Language page Widespread Amazonia
gray-winged trumpeter Grulla, Trompetero Ala Gris jacamim flora-fauna Psophia crepitans missing See Language page Northern Amazonia (N of Solimões), not in northern Colombia; Dark-winged trumpeter is found south of Solimões
guan pava, pucacunga (Peru), pava de Spix (Peru) jacu flora-fauna Penelope sp. tã'umu tãʔumu, uhe, tʰãʔomu (H&R) inheritance See Language page Different types have different localized ranges
tinamou tinamu, perdiz, gallineta inambu, inhambu flora-fauna family Tinamidae pʉ'koro pʉʔkoro unique See Language page Widespread Amazonia
hummingbird colibrí, picaflor (Peru) beija-flor flora-fauna family Trochilidae mimi mimi inheritance See Language page Widespread
kingfisher martín pescador, catalan (Peru) martim-pescador flora-fauna family Alcedinidae sã'sa sãʔsa inheritance See Language page Widespread Amazonia
owl (large) búho, lechuza corujão flora-fauna order Strigiformes cucu kuku doubtful loan into protolg - WW? onomatopoeic? %murukutu / kurukutu See Language page Widespread
macaw ara, guacamaya Arara flora-fauna family Psittacidae; Ara sp. maa maa inheritance See Language page Widespread Amazonia
parrot loro real, loro (Sp. form is a loan from Carib) papagaio flora-fauna Amazona amazonica naso veko naso bekho; 'βekʰo (H&R) inheritance See Language page Widespread
dove paloma pomba flora-fauna family Columbidae ũ'kupo ũʔkhupo doubtful loan - WW %motkuku See Language page
hawk halcón, gavilán gavião flora-fauna family Accipitridae pĩ'a tao (tao=eagle) pĩʔa thao unique See Language page
vulture buitre, gallinazo, rinahui (Peru) urubu flora-fauna family Cathartidae βaʤo (H&R), ãukhu βaʤo (H&R), ãukhu loan - WW Arawak See Language page Widespread South America
duck pato pato, marreco flora-fauna Anatidae family pete phete unknown prob. inheritance See Language page
great egret Garza Blanca, Guyratî Garça-Branca-Grande flora-fauna Ardea alba missing See Language page Widespread South America
woodpecker pájaro carpintero, carpintero pica-pau flora-fauna family Picidae kone khone inheritance See Language page Widespread Amazonia
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna Canis famililaris jamuchai hamu 'ʤai, xamudʒai semantic shift/calque domesticated jaguar'? See Language page Not native; widespread
dog (wild; bush dog) sachaperro, Perro de Monte, Zorro Vinagre, Guanfando; Zorro Ojizarco, Zorro Negro, Perro de Orejas Corta cachorro-do-mato flora-fauna Speothos venaticus; Atelocynus microtis kuiso khuiso See Language page Widespread Amazonia
anteater oso hormiguero; tapia pelejo or pelejo chico for Cyclopes didactylus tamanduá flora-fauna Myrmecophaga tridactyla (giant anteater); Cyclopes didactylus (silky anteater) chuchu dʒudʒu, mie loan Quechua? See Language page Widespread Amazonian lowlands
armadillo armadillo, carachupa (Peru), yangunturi (Peru for Giant armadillo) tatu flora-fauna family Dasypodidae; e.g. Priodontes maximus (Giant armadillo), Dasypus novemcinctus, Dasypus kappleri jamu 'hamu, xamu inheritance See Language page Widespread in Amazonia
sloth pereza, pelejo (Peru), perezoso (Peru) macaco preguica flora-fauna Choloepus sp., Bradypus sp. u'u uʔu See Language page Widespread Amazonia
alligator, black caiman babilla; cachirre jacaré flora-fauna Melanosuchus niger, Caiman schlerops; Paleosuchus sp. okoroche okʰoroʤe unique See Language page Throughout Amazonia Port term reportedly borrowed from Tupi
electric eel anguila eléctrica poraquê flora-fauna Electrophorus electricus cu'e kuʔe unique See Language page
fish (generic) pez peixe flora-fauna va'i, chiacha va'i baʔi, dʒiadʒa baʔi inheritance See Language page
pacu fish palometa, garopita, garopa, curhuara (Peru) pacu flora-fauna Mylossoma sp. See Language page
pirana piraña, caribe piranha flora-fauna subfamily Serrasalmidae puñu puɲu inheritance See Language page Widespread Amazonia
tigerfish taraira, guabina, huasaco (Peru) traíra flora-fauna Hoplias sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
mandi catfish maparate (used in Peru for some types of catfish, including Auchenipterus sp.), cunchi (used in Peru for some types of catfish), bagre (catfish) mandi flora-fauna Auchenipterus sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
speckled catfish surubí, pintadillo surubim, sorubim flora-fauna Pseudoplatystoma sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia
toad sapo sapo flora-fauna order Anura jojoo xoxoo, 'hoho See Language page
iguana iguana, garipiares (Colombia) camaleão flora-fauna Iguana sp. kuechoo kʰᵘeʤo loan Arawak (prob from 'lizard'), cf. e.g. Bare kuíd'iju See Language page iguana' is reportedly from Arawak iwana
small lizard lagartija calango flora-fauna order Squamata to'oroo thoʔoroo doubtful loan, direction unknown Bora tsógooróho, Carib/WaiWai šukurwa, Achagua du:ru See Language page
stingray (generic) rayas látigo, raya arraia flora-fauna Potamotrygon sp. janameo xanameo inheritance See Language page
crab cangrejo caranguejo flora-fauna infraorder Brachyura ka'mi khaʔmi inheritance See Language page
anaconda anaconda, boa, boa acuática grande sucuri flora-fauna genus Eunectes ãkue aña ãkhue aɲa, 'okʰo 'aɲa See Language page Widespread Amazonia
boa boa; mantona (red-tailed boa); boa de altura jiboia flora-fauna family Boidae, subf. Boinae ãkue aña ãkhue aɲa, 'okʰo 'aɲa unique See Language page
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna aña ˈaɲa inheritance See Language page
snake (poisonous generic) or rattlesnake víbora (Peru), jergón (Peru), yarara jararaca flora-fauna Bothrops jararaca/atrox See Language page Widespread South America
tortoise (red foot, yellow foot/giant) tortuga, morrocoy, motelo jabutí, tartaruga flora-fauna Yellow-footed: Geochelone denticulata; Red-footed: Geochelone carbonaria coʉ koʉ, poʔo 'koɨ inheritance See Language page Widespread
Amazon dolphin bufeo, delfín, tonina (del Orinoco) boto cor-de-rosa flora-fauna Inia geoffrensis missing See Language page Downstream of major rapids and waterfalls
mushroom champiñón, hongo cogumelo flora-fauna (any edible generic) missing See Language page prioritize generic term that includes any edible species
black palm bacaba, mapora, pusui, patabá bacaba flora-fauna Oenocarpus bacaba missing See Language page Mature forests of Rio Negro and Upper Amazon may be confused in some entries with O. bataua
açai palm huasí (Peru), asahi, manaca (Ven), asaí, palmiche (Colombia) açaí flora-fauna Euterpe sp. missing See Language page floodplains, swamp; esp. northern Amazonia
miriti palm moriche (Col, Ven), aguaje (Col, Peru), achual, miriti buriti flora-fauna Mauritia flexuosa ne'e neʔe inheritance See Language page Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Venezuela; in and near swamps trunks contain sago-like starch
palm for roof thatch pui, irapay, hoja de irapay, caraná caraná flora-fauna Mauritiella armata OR Lepidocaryum tenue (irapay), Mauritius carana missing See Language page Mauritia carana is limited principally to the Rio Negro and Upper Orinoco regions; dry catinga forests palm
paxiuba palm pona, huacrapona, cashapona, macanilla, pachiuba paxiuba flora-fauna Iriartea exorrhiza OR Iriartea deltoidea missing See Language page Widespread Amazonia palm
peach palm, pejibaye palm chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol) pupunha flora-fauna Bactris gasipaes ɨne ɨne pupunha palm Chacon 2014: Appendix A
seje palm ungurahui (Peru), palma de seje, milpesos, patabá patoá, patuá flora-fauna Jessenia bataua, aka Oenocarpus bataua See Language page mostly north of Equator; common in Amazonia may be confused with O. bacaba - compare entries
coca coca coca flora-fauna Erythroxylum coca jipie xipie, hipie loan - WW %hibie See Language page secondary scrub vegetation. lower alt. of eastern Andes plant
cotton algodón algodão flora-fauna Gossypium (barbadense: long fibers; hirsutum: short fibers) chʉi dʒʉi, ʤɨi semantic shift original meaning kapok See Language page secondary scrub vegetation plant; some sources may confound with kapok Ceiba pentandra (esp. if a single gloss for 'cotton' is given')
kapok ceiba, huimba, lupuna (Peru for Ceiba sp.) sumaumeira flora-fauna Ceiba pentandra chʉiñʉ dʒʉiɲʉ See Language page northern South America and central America; common in disturbed areas tree
hot pepper ají, pimentón/pimiento rojo, pucunucho (Peru), charapilla (Peru) pimenta flora-fauna Capsicum sp., principally chinensis and frutescens chu'chu pia dʒuʔdʒu pia inheritance See Language page secondary scrub vegetation, indigenous garden plant
peanut maní (may be loan from Taino Arawak), cacahuete amendoim flora-fauna Arachis hypogaea ñajo tẽ ɲaxo tẽ See Language page plant
pineapple piña abacaxi flora-fauna Ananas comosus ĩsipu ĩsipu semantic shift? from caraua? See Language page plant
arrow cane, wildcane caña flecha, caña brava, caña isana cana para flechas, frecheira, Cana-do-rio flora-fauna Gynerium sagittatum kãtʰɨ kãtʰɨ See Language page tropical regions, especially river banks plant
banana, plantain banano, banana, cambur, bellaco, variedad de plátano banana flora-fauna Musa sp. oo oo semantic shift? Chacon 2013: markedness shift from sororoca See Language page Names for banana/plantain may be derived from bastard plantain by semantic shift.
beans frijoles, frejol, caraotas (negras, rojas, blancas) feijão flora-fauna Phaseolus spp. missing See Language page plant
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna (generic) tʰaʤa tʰaʤa inheritance See Language page
maize, corn mazorca, maiz milho flora-fauna Zea mays veavʉ beabʉ, βea doubtful loan into protolanguage - WW %bea See Language page widespread, esp. in river floodplains plant
tobacco tabaco tabaco flora-fauna Nicotiana tabacum mʉtokorovʉ mʉtokhorobʉ, mɨtʰo (H&R) inheritance See Language page plant
tree árbol arvore flora-fauna sũkiñʉ sũkʰi-ɲɨ inheritance See Language page
achiote, anatto achiote urucum flora-fauna Bixa orellana pũsañʉ pũsaɲʉ, pũsa inheritance See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens shrub
inga guaba, guamo, guama, shimbillo (Peru) inga flora-fauna Inga spp. missing See Language page Secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens. North and South America (Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, Suriname, Colombia)
avocado palta, aguacate abacate flora-fauna Persea americana capaiñʉ kapaiɲʉ See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree
bitterwood tortuga caspi, pretina (Peru for tree and tumpline); carahuasca (Peru) envira flora-fauna Duguetia sp. OR Fusaea longifolia OR Guatteria chrysopetala See Language page secondary forests, native to Brazil tree
brazil nut castaña castanha do para (B. excelsa); castanha de cutia (C. edulis) flora-fauna Bertholletia excelsa [cf. Couepia edulis 'castanha do cutia'] suania suania See Language page 1) Couepia: restricted area within Brazil, Rio Purus basin and middle Solimões. 2) Bertholletia: elev: consistently about 200m; mature forests. Widely distributed from Peru, E. Colombia, Brazil to Nicaragua. tree
cashew anarcado, castaña de cajú, nuez de la India, marañon, cajú, merey (Venezuela) caju flora-fauna Anacardium occidentale / giganteum missing See Language page secondary scrub vegetation and indigenous gardens tree; most sources will not distinguish between occidentale and other varieties
genipap jagua, majagua - Colombia, caruto, xagua - Venezuela, bigrande - Bolivia, huito, yaguayagua - Peru, ygualti - Nicaragua, maluco - Mexico genipapo, jenipapo flora-fauna Genipapa americana missing See Language page widespread lowland SA shrub
japurá oreja de murcielago japurá flora-fauna Erisma japura See Language page large tree
rubber tree (sorva) caucho, siringa, shiringa seringa, borracha flora-fauna Hevea sp. See Language page Widespread Amazonia tree
ucuqui yugo, caimitillo del monte (Peru) ucuqui flora-fauna Pouteria ucuqui See Language page native to NW Amazonia, found primarily in Vaupes and Caqueta regions other species of Pouteria exist and have much-used edible fruit; these can be subsituted where relevant
Amazon tree-grape uva de monte, uvilla (Peru), puruma, caime, caimarona (and variants; Col.) cucura flora-fauna Pourouma cecropiifolia pĩsi ʉche (ʉche=grape) pĩsi ʉdʒe inheritance See Language page grows wild in Western Amazon basin; cultivated in Colombia since pre-Colombian times a tree; not a true grape
manioc (bitter or generic) yuca brava mandioca flora-fauna Manihot esculenta ãuva ãuba, kʰɨi-pɨ (H&R) unknown See Language page not generally cultivated in western (subAndean) Amazon. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) argues for a correlation with distribution of dark earths, mostly formed after 1AD, and the modeled-incised pottery tradition. Provides more starch and is more pest-resistant than the sweet variety, but requires much processing. Arroyo-Kalin (2010) proposes that bitter type was developed from sweet through post-ceremic agricultural intensification (motivated by high starch yield
manioc (sweet) yuca, caribe macaxeira flora-fauna Manihot esculenta ã'sova ãʔsoba inheritance See Language page Primary staple in western/subAndean Amazonia, less important elsewhere No processing required, but lower starch yield and pest resistance than bitter variety
potato papa batata flora-fauna Solanum tuberosum papapʉ papapʉ See Language page secondary scrub vegetation compare entries for sweet potato
potato, sweet potato camote, batata dulce, batata, cumara batata-doce flora-fauna Ipomoea batatas ʤahi inheritance See Language page plant
cará tuber, purple or white camote, sachapapa cará roxo, branco flora-fauna Dioscorea sp. missing See Language page secondary scrub vegetation; forest clearings plant
tannia, yautia huitina (Peru), ñame taioba branca flora-fauna Xanthosoma spp. ñajova ɲaxoba, ɲaho See Language page
bottle-gourd (vine) or calabash (tree) calabazo, calabaza; auyama (Dominican Republic and Venezuela), ayote (parts of Central America), zapallo (parts of South America), tutumo/totumo/totuma (Cresc tree), huingo (Peru for Crescentia cujete), tapara cabaça flora-fauna Crescentia cujete (round variety - tree); (Cucurbita) Lagenaria siceraria (bottle variety - vine) oko-nʉ (Crescentia cujete, Cook dict); oko-pʉ (calabaza, totuma) okhopʉ, okʰo-pɨ ('gourd', H&R) See Language page indigenous gardens plant; tree
squash calabaza, calabacines, auyamas, zapallos, huingo (Peru) abóbora flora-fauna Cucurbita sp. missing See Language page plant
cipó vine tamishi, bejuco, yare cipó flora-fauna Heteropsis spp. cha'i dʒaʔi See Language page secondary forest, floodplain vine
fish poison, barbasco barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó flora-fauna Lonchocarpus spp. ote ñaña othe ɲaɲa inheritance cf. Cubeo See Language page secondary forests and secondary srcrub vegetation shrub/tree
hallucinogenic vine, banisterium, ayahuasca ayahuasca, yage ayahuasca, caapi flora-fauna Banisteriopsis caapi ʤahe ʤahe loan (into protolanguage?) - WW %jahe See Language page semi-domesticated, native to Amazonian basin, esp. NW vine
hallucinogenic snuff vilca, cebil, yopo paricá, yopo flora-fauna Anadenanthera sp. or virola See Language page
insect (generic) insecto insecto flora-fauna generic See Language page
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna Formicidae pẽa, emu pẽa, emu See Language page
bullet ant, lesser giant hunter ant conga, hormiga yanabe (Colombia), isula (Peru), Hormiga Veinticuatro tocandira flora-fauna Paraponera clavata jñata ɲ̥ata inheritance See Language page
leaf-cutter ant Colombia: zampopo, hormiga arriera; Venezuela: bachaco; Peru: curuhuinse saúva flora-fauna Atta sp. meka mekha inheritance See Language page
honeybee abeja abelha flora-fauna Apis mellifera; Tetragonisca angustula; Trigona amazonensis o'a oʔa inheritance See Language page
cockroach cucaracha barata-do-mato flora-fauna order Blattaria co'roro koʔroro doubtful loan, direction unknown Murui Witoto kanarɛ- See Language page
firefly, lightning bug lampírido, luciérnaga (Peru), añañahui (Peru), cocuyo (attributed Taino origin) vagalume flora-fauna fam: Elateridae, Fengodidae, Lampyridae tucu tuku loan - WW %tjuku, via Arawak See Language page
butterfly, moth mariposa borboleta flora-fauna order Lepidoptera cucu kuku unique See Language page
moth mariposa nocturna, polilla mariposa flora-fauna order Lepidoptera cucu kuku See Language page
angleworm lombriz minhoca flora-fauna order Opisthopora aña [also means snake] aɲa semantic shift snake See Language page
centipede ciempiés centopéia flora-fauna class Chilopoda sʉsʉri sʉsʉri See Language page
scorpion escorpión; alacran escorpião flora-fauna order Scorpiones missing See Language page
cicada cigarra, chicharra cigarra flora-fauna super fam. Cicadoidea chocho dʒodʒo unknown See Language page
flea pulga pulga flora-fauna order Siphonaptera sãkʉ sãkhʉ, sãkʰɨ inheritance See Language page
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna Diptera βere, mi'a βere, miʔa loan; inheritance Carijona? werewere See Language page
cricket saltón, grillo grilo flora-fauna family Gryllidae pũs'u pũsʔu inheritance See Language page
edible palm-dwelling larva (palm weevil) suri, mojojoy larva, broca-do-coqueiro, aramandaiá flora-fauna Rhynchophorus sp. missing See Language page
praying mantis, stick insects mantis religiosa louva-a-deus flora-fauna order Mantodea, family Mantidae See Language page
mosquito mosquito, zancudo mosquito, carapana flora-fauna Anopheles sp. mʉte, sũsi (mosquito) mʉte, sũsi, mɨtʰe inheritance See Language page
termites, white-ants comején (Peru), termitas cupim flora-fauna order Isoptera chuchu dʒudʒu inheritance See Language page
tick garrapata carrapato flora-fauna superfam Ixodoidea ko're khoʔre inheritance See Language page
wasp avispa; specific type: ronzapa/ronsapa caba flora-fauna order Hymenoptera, sub: Apocrita uti uthi inheritance See Language page
snail caracol, churo (Peru) caracol flora-fauna class Gastropoda ca ka unknown See Language page
spider araña aranha flora-fauna Arachnidae, Araneae jʉjʉo xʉ̃xʉo, hɨ̃hɨ inheritance See Language page
jaguar yaguar, yaguareté, jaguar, otorongo (Peru), tigre (Peru) onca flora-fauna Panthera onca chai dʒai doubtful loan into protolanguage, direction unknown Arawak (Chacon reconstructs); cf. TG *jawar See Language page
manatee vaca marina, manatí peixe-boi flora-fauna Trichechus sp. See Language page
brown woolly monkey Mono Lanudo Común, Choro, Churucu, mono choro (Peru), mono lanudo cafe, barrigudo de Humboldt macaco barrigudo flora-fauna Lagothrix lagothricha missing See Language page
howler monkey (red-handed) mono aullador, mono coto (Peru) guariba flora-fauna Alouatta belzebul [or other Alouatta sp.] emú emú inheritance See Language page
tufted capuchin monkey mono negro (Peru), Machín Negro, Maicero Cachón, mono maicero macaco prego flora-fauna Cebus apella tãke tãkhe, tʰãkʰe inheritance See Language page
white-fronted capuchin Machín Blanco, mono blanco, Maicero Cariblanco, mono blanco (Peru) Caiarara flora-fauna Cebus albifrons missing See Language page
white-fronted spider monkey Machin Blanco, Mono Araña de Vientre Amarillo, maquisapa (Peru), braceadora (Colombia) macaco aranha, coatá, quatá flora-fauna Ateles belzebuth/paniscus 'βaʔo 'βaʔo inheritance See Language page
opossum zarigüeya, rabipelado, zorro, zorrillo mucura flora-fauna family Didelphidae missing See Language page
giant otter Lobo Grande de Río, nutria gigante, lutria ariranha flora-fauna Pteronura brasiliensis missing See Language page
neotropical otter (small) Nutria, Lobo de Agua, lobito de rio, perro de agua (Colombia) lontra flora-fauna Lontra longicaudis cha'o dʒaʔo inheritance See Language page
collared peccary sajino, pecarí de collar, jabalf, Javelina, Saíno, Pecarí de Collar caititu, caetitu flora-fauna Pecari tajacu, Tayassu tajacu sẽse, cha'o sẽse sẽse, dʒa'o sẽse unknown See Language page
white-lipped peccary Chancho de Monte, Cariblanco, Huangana queixada flora-fauna Tayassu pecari ʤaʔo 'sẽse ʤaʔo 'sẽse inheritance See Language page
porcupine puerco espín, erizo (Peru), casha cushillo (Peru) cuandu, porco-espinho flora-fauna family Erethizontidae so'to soʔto inheritance See Language page
cotamundi, coatimundi Coatí, Tejón, Achuni, zorro guache quati flora-fauna genus Nasua cuẽji kuẽxi inheritance See Language page
agouti (black agouti, black-rumped agouti) Guatusa Negra, Añuje, Agutí (black-rumped), picure, jochi colorado cutia flora-fauna Dasyprocta spp. vʉ bʉ, βɨɨ inheritance See Language page
capybara Capibara, Carpincho, Ronsoco capivara flora-fauna Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris kuẽso kʰᵘẽso doubtful loan into protolg N. Arawak See Language page
green acouchi Guatín, Punchana, curi, picurito rabudo, picurito rabilargo cutiara flora-fauna Myoprocta pratti vʉ bʉ See Language page
paca (lowland) Guanta, Paca, Majaz, majás (Peru), labba (Guyana) paca flora-fauna Cuniculus paca (Agouti paca is sometimes used as well although cuniculus is the correct term.) seme seme inheritance See Language page
mouse, rat ratón camundongo, rata flora-fauna Mus musculus sʉa sʉ̃a, sɨ̃a inheritance See Language page
squirrel ardilla, danta (Ven) serelepe, quatipuru, esquilo flora-fauna family Sciuridae masʉsʉko masʉ̃sʉko inheritance See Language page
tapir sachavaca, danta anta flora-fauna Tapirus terrestris vekʉ bekʉ, 'βekʰɨ inheritance See Language page
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna family Cervidae, esp. Odocoileus virginianus maa nãma,nãma ɲama, maa nãma,nãma inheritance See Language page
horse caballo cavalho flora-fauna Equus caballus cavacho kawaʃu See Language page


Cultural Vocabulary (97)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes Word Structure Word Structure Notes General Notes Source
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material jʉ'e jʉʔe inheritance See Language page
basket, small canasta, canasto, cesta cesto pequeno, tampado culture-material See Language page
bead abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar miçanga culture-material missing See Language page
bed cama cama culture-material kãisaivʉ khãisaibʉ unknown See Language page
hammock hamaca, chinchorro rede culture-material jãurʉ xãurʉ inheritance See Language page
bench, seat banco, silla, asiento banco culture-material ñu'iko'a ɲuʔikhoʔa inheritance See Language page
canoe canoa canoa transport choovʉ dʒoobʉ inheritance See Language page
drum (large signal) tambor, manguaré, maguaré (Colombia) tambor culture missing Used to be used by Tukanoan peoples (and others?), sound carried for long distances See Language page
drum tambor tambor culture-mythology vativʉ batibʉ inheritance See Language page
shaman, healer chamán, brujo xaman, pajé, feiticeiro culture-mythology chai dʒai semantic shift from 'jaguar' In RN region, there is typically one person per village (if that) who is a full-fledged 'shaman'. He is very much a specialist and has considerable power to cure, as well as power to curse. He is respected and feared. Shamans are thought to turn themselv See Language page
healer curandero benzador, curandeiro, kumu (Tukano) culture-mythology Refers to a lower-level healer; in RN region, most older men in a village have this capacity, and command a repertoire of healing spells. Power is primarily for good, whereas the true shaman is capable of malignant acts as well. See Language page
broom escoba vassoura culture-material jʉ'osachapʉ xʉʔosadʒapʉ inheritance See Language page
clothing ropa roupa culture-mythology kãña khãɲa inheritance See Language page
fence, palisade cerco cerca other missing may be related to defense/warfare? See Language page
firewood leña lenha other jẽka xẽkha inheritance See Language page
Curupira (spirit type) Curupira, Madremonte Curupira culture-mythology malignant forest spirit, covered with long hair, feet turned backward; in Upper Rio Negro region See Language page
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology vati bati inheritance See Language page
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure dios(es), deidad divinidade, figura mítica culture-mythology missing In RN region, frequently translates as 'Bone-Son', 'One on the bone', etc. See Language page
flute flauta, quena (Peru) flauta culture-mythology phĩcovʉ phĩkobʉ doubtful loan shared Secoya; Aymara/Quechua pinguʎu multiple types? japurutu, deer-bone, etc. See Language page
panpipe carrizo, zampoñas, flautas de pan, rondadora caniço, flauta de pã culture-mythology See Language page
hollow log/trough for beer-making canoa para chicha cocho de caxiri narcotics See Language page
ritual song cycle (kapiwaya) kapiwaya capiwaya culture-mythology See Language page
knife cuchillo faca culture-material va'ti baʔti inheritance See Language page
machete machete facão culture-material va'ti baʔti semantic shift see knife See Language page
axe/stone axe hacha (de piedra) machado (de pedra) subsistence tool su'upo suʔupo inheritance especially for clearing fields See Language page
arrow flecha flecha subsistence tool saocho saodʒo inheritance hunting, warfare See Language page
spear lanza lança subsistence tool cʉnarʉ kʉnarʉ unique See Language page
bow arco arco subsistence tool saocucupʉ saokukupʉ inheritance arco See Language page
paddle/oar remo remo transport choova'ti dʒoobaʔti inheritance See Language page
plate plato prato culture-material totore'ava totoreʔaba inheritance See Language page
pot olla, pote panela, vasilha subsistence tool cʉnaro kʉnaro inheritance See Language page
basin/bowl tazón, plato hondo, taza tijela culture-material missing See Language page
griddle for cooking flatbread tiesto (Colombia), budare (Venezuela), tortera (Peru) forno para beiju subsistence tool so'kova soʔkhoba unknown agriculture? See Language page
rattle matraca, maraca marico, chocalho culture-mythology ka'sapuã kaʔsapuã inheritance See Language page
resin resina, brea, copal resina, brea, breu subsistence tool maja maxa semantic shift from beeswax (Arawak/Quechua loan?) See Language page
wax cera cera other maja 'resin, beeswax' maxa 'resin, beeswax' loan (into protolg?) Quechua/Arawak? See Language page
honey miel mel food airo pũji airo pũxi unique only gathered in wild throughout Amazonia? See Language page
stone for lighting fires piedra para hacer fuego pedra para acender fogo culture-material See Language page
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture pĩsime, chʉi pĩsime, dʒʉi inheritance See Language page
tattoo tatuaje, tatu tatuagem culture-mythology See Language page
thatch/roof crisneja palha, caraná culture-material missing See Language page
yurupari, jurupari (or any flutes forbidden to women) yurupari jurupari culture-mythology a ritual complex in various parts of Amazonia involving sacred flutes/trumpets, forbidden to women. See Language page
fetish, charm fetiche, encanto, filtro de amor, pusanga feitiço, puçanga culture-mythology See Language page
feather headdress plumaje, corona de plumas enfeite/capacete de penas culture-mythology tuhivʉ tuhibʉ See Language page
paint body, body paint pintura corporal pintura corporal culture-mythology See Language page
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven tierra do los muertos terra dos mortos culture-mythology See Language page
school escuela escola acculturation utija'o vʉ'e utixa'o vʉ'e See Language page
bottle botella garrafa acculturation cʉnatʉo kʉnatʉo See Language page
paper papel papel acculturation utija'o utixa'o unknown See Language page
dream sueño, soñar sonho, sonhar culture-mythology kãni ñañe khãni ñañe See Language page
chicken gallina galinha acculturation kurao khurao loan - WW %kara See Language page
grave tumba, sepultura, sepulcro sepultura, sepulcro, cova culture-mythology See Language page
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other mʉtoro'rova mʉtoro'rova See Language page
sugarcane/sugar azúcar, caña de azúcar açucar (de cana) acculturation chʉ'chʉ dʒʉ'dʒʉ See Language page
skirt falda, saya, fustan, pollera saia culture-material jochovʉ xodʒovʉ unknown See Language page
shoes zapatos sapatos dress cũ'akoro kũ'akhoro See Language page
policeman polícia policía acculturation See Language page
soldier soldado soldado acculturation sõtaoʉ sõtaoʉ loan Span/Port soldado See Language page
cat gato gato acculturation misi misi loan - WW %miʃi See Language page
gun arma, escopeta espingarda, fusil acculturation jaovʉ xaovʉ unknown See Language page
hat sombero chapéu dress tuhiro tuhiro unknown See Language page
chief/leader jefe, cacique chefe culture-mythology pãi chʉ̃'ʉkʉ pãi dʒʉ̃'ʉkʉ loan Tupi-Guarani pai 'respected man' See Language page
club garrote, cachiporra clava, porrete subsistence tool See Language page
loincloth taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla tanga, tapa-sexo dress See Language page
fireplace hogar lareira other See Language page
fishing line cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze linha de pesca subsistence tool See Language page
salt sal sal food ũha ũha inheritance? See Language page
song (generic) canción, canto canção culture-mythology uja uxa inheritance See Language page
blowgun cerbatana, pucuna (Peru) zarabatana subsistence tool jʉoñʉ xʉoɲʉ inheritance currently limited to certain groups (favoring h-g orientation, e.g. Nadahup) within RN region See Language page
dart (blowgun) dardo, birote (Peru), bala (Peru) dardo, seta subsistence tool jʉocho xʉodʒo hunting and warfare See Language page
fan abanico abanador, abano subsistence tool pãuva'ti pãubaʔti doubtful loan Bora, Carib, Yagua, other pepet- forms esp. for fanning a cooking fire See Language page
fish (with line) anzuelear, pescar con linea pescar (com linha) food no'imʉ noʔimʉ See Language page
fish (with fish-poison) pescar con barbasco, barbasquear pescar com timbó; tinguijar food eemʉ eemʉ semantic shift from 'timbo' See Language page
hunt cazar caçar food va'i jñaa saimʉ baʔi ɲ̥aa saimʉ See Language page
game animal caza, animal de caza caça, animal de caça food missing Interesting correlation to 'fish' in Tukanoan languages See Language page
gourd (dipper/bowl) cucharón, pate (Peru), totomo, totuma, totumo cuia subsistence tool okopʉ okhopʉ inheritance See Language page
grater rallador, rallo ralador, ralo subsistence tool tara va'ti thara baʔti inheritance esp. for grating manioc, but can be used for other things as well See Language page
grid of sticks for smoking meat or placing objects (shelf) barbacoa jirau subsistence tool khaja (Chacon14) khaja (Chacon14) inheritance See Language page
mortar mortero pilão subsistence tool missing See Language page
pestle pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor mão de pilão subsistence tool See Language page
fermented drink masato, chicha caxiri, chicha culture ã'so cono (cono=chicha; ã'so=manioc) ãʔso kono inheritance/sem shift? manioc drink' prioritizes manioc beer where distinction is made See Language page
flour/meal from manioc fariña, mañoco (Venezuela); harina farinha food jarina (loan from Spanish or Portuguese) xarina loan Spanish agriculture See Language page
flat bread, cassava bread pan de yuca, casabe/cazabe beiju food ãu ãu inheritance usually manioc; agriculture, but also can be made from certain wild seeds/fruits See Language page
starch (tapioca, other) almidón goma de tapioca food jo'jo xoʔxo inheritance See Language page
tapioca drink, mingau cahuana, caguana mingau food missing agriculture See Language page
tipiti (manioc squeezer) tipiti, matafrio, sebucán, exprimador, prensa para yuca tipiti food cañovʉ kañobʉ inheritance? word of Tupi origin; agriculture: specifically for squeezing poison out of manioc See Language page
tripod for washing manioc trípode tripé subsistence tool agriculture See Language page
venom for darts, poison veneno curare subsistence tool chima, eo dʒima, eo inheritance hunting, currently is falling out of use in Vaupés region, associated primarily with h-g groups (but this may be recent?) See Language page
woven strainer/sieve colador tejido, cedazo (Peru), cernedor (Peru) peneira, cumatá subsistence tool jʉ'eri'cupʉ xʉʔeriʔkupʉʉ inheritance agriculture? commonly used for sifting dry manioc flour See Language page
bait for fishing cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru) isca subsistence tool can refer to worms; more generic See Language page
fishtrap trampa de peces, trampa matapi, cacuri subsistence tool je'vavʉ xeʔbabʉ See Language page
bottom grinding stone manufacture catapʉ, cata, cʉna katapʉ, kata, kʉna if different word from top grinding stone See Language page
digging stick subsistence tool See Language page
top grinding stone metate, mano; piedra de moler metate, mano manufacture use word for top grinding stone if different from bottom stone See Language page
boomerang/throwing stick (generic) subsistence tool See Language page
spearthrower subsistence tool See Language page
house other vʉ'e bʉʔe inheritance See Language page


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Grammatical Notes Source Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Pre-/post-nasalized stops Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. yes Gralow & Cook 1984
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] yes Cook & Criswell 1993: 2-3
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast yes Gralow & Cook 1984
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.1-6
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.11-13
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.10
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] yes (C)V(V) Cook & Criswell 1993, p.10
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.10
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones yes There are two tone levels in Coreguaje, high and low. Gralow & Cook 1984, p.3-4. Cook '93, p.11 some suffixes have alternative ways that are inexplicable from the current structures of tone and emphasis.
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? no Gralow & Cook 1984, p.3-4. Cook & Criswell 1993, p.10 Cook source explicitly states that there is no contrastive stress (but does suggest Gralow for further reading on tone/stress)
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments yes Young 1984, p.76
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? yes Nasalization runs progressively through morphemic boundaries to be stopped by a bilabial plosive. Nasalization runs throughout the word regressively in the same way, but does not cross the boundary between a suffix and a root. Young 1984, p.76
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.9 The vowel /e/ has a closed variant [e] when it precedes another vowel or /h/ in the phonological phrase. The open variant [ɛ] in other positions. Also, check top of p.70
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.iii
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.iii
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.iii
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.85
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated no info Cook & Criswell 1993
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-87 possible example @ top of p,90
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-87 possible example @ top of p,90
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-87
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.82
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.79-80 verbalizer on noun creates a verb
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns no adverbs Cook & Criswell 1993, p.80
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP yes animate and inanimate Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15 human noun endings can not do without "emotional" gender and number.
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders 2 Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15 The animates are classified in humans and animals and inanimate, in which take a suffix to indicate the shape classifier or function of the object, and those who lack a classifier.
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18 These serve three functions: 1. show the correlation between elements of the noun, 2. radical-nominal noun, and 3. replace the noun that follows the switch.
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15-16
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human yes animados e inanimados. Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31-32
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15-17
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18-25 no info/ not expected
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42-43 corresponding to 'finger' (dedo)
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' yes Some illustrative nouns derived from verbal radicals. Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18, 27 A verb or noun clause can be a suffix added to the verb.
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.17-18 generic (given to a classifier when referring to specific individuals or pluralities)
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun yes added after the classifier on the noun (inan.) Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15, 18 There is "implicit pluralism" in the forms without classifier
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic yes Gender and number of human nouns are plural is indicated by separate words. Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only no Inanimate nouns are divided into three classes as the plural formation. Cook & Criswell 1993, p.26
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31-32
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.51
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15-17
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41-42
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker yes There is an additional suffix -makʰa 'thing' that is used to refer to individual objects without shape sorters. Cook & Criswell 1993, p.25
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) no Cook & Criswell 1993 31-33
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system yes 3, 'this' (near speaker), 'that' (a short distinction), 'that' (present but not visible, or someone mentioned above) Cook & Criswell 1993, p.32 The same demonstration was used to refer to nouns conretos that have already been named in a previous sentence (keep a classifier suffix to these.)
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.32
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.32
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.32
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Cook & Criswell 1993 31-33
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix no Cook & Criswell 1993 31-33
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.51-52
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 4 Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47-51
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.43
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.43
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42-43
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42-43
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42-43
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42 The Koreguaje has its own words for numbers one to twenty. However, currently only used the first four. (esp for others.)
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15-40
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.36
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45 no info/not expected
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45 no info/not expected
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45 no info/not expected
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.16 Mostly kinship terms consist of a more radical suffix or word appropriate gender and number ... Kinship terms for 'uncle'and 'aunt' are inherently specified for gender and lack of a suffix this nature, although usually plural.
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.18-25
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.15-18
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.36-38
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.36-38
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.27-28
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.27-28, 47
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.79
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.51
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.62-73
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.62-73
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-63
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-63
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.58
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.59
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.59
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.64
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.64 radical verb + POT + VBLZ
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.55-65
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.55-65, 82
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.55-65
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.55-65
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.55-65, 82 look at 'intención' on p. 59
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.77
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.63 radical verbal + SUS + VBLZ
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.74-87
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.59 both shown on chart (Cook)
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.76
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86 Unlike other Tucanoan lanugages, Koreguaje does not contain evidential suffixes.
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86-87
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86-87
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86-87
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.86-87
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-87
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53-87 no info/not expected
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject yes Cook & Criswell 1993, iii
Word Order VS in transitive clauses yes Cook & Criswell 1993, iii
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47-51
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject no Cook & Criswell 1993, iii
Word Order Preposition-Noun no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.51 No prepositions
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.51
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) yes Cook & Criswell 1993, iii
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') no Cook & Criswell 1993, iii
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun no Cook & Criswell 1993, iv
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun yes Cook & Criswell 1993, iv
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Word Order Noun-Dem no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Word Order Num-Noun no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42
Word Order Noun-Num yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.42
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies yes Cook & Criswell 1993, iv
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.57-58
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-91
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-91
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-91
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-91
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-91
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.47 pronouns used as direct objects must be followed by -re or -ni
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.90 subject change indicated by suffix -na
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31, 53
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-99 may want to re-examine this
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31-32
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31-32
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31-32
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.31-32
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-70
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53, 89
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53, 89
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.91
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.91
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.45
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.53
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.92-93, 48
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-72
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-73
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-80
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-80
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-80 no info/not expected
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.71
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.71-72
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.72
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-73
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.70 causatives appears to be lexical
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.70
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.70
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.70
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.70
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.70
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.69-72
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.61-62 Koreguaje has some verbs that are inherently negative.
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.62 Distinct verb form for know (neg); wesɨ̃- 'no saber'
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.56
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.56
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.56
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.56
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.56
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.34-36
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.34-36
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.34-42
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) no Cook & Criswell 1993, p.41
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.82
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-94
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined yes -na marks a change in subject Cook & Criswell 1993, p.90
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence yes Cook & Criswell 1993, p.89-92