Asheninka Apurucayali

Family
Arawakan
Region
South America
ISO 639-3
cpc
Location
-9.82°, -74.62°
Notes
Grammar data also includes some information on closely related variety Asheninka Perene (prq).
Features
Grammatical Data
Data Sources
Mihas, Elena. 2010. Essentials of Ashéninka Perené grammar. The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. (Doctoral disseration). Payne, David. 1981. The Phonology and Morphology of Axininca Campa. Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of Texas - Arlington. Payne, David. 1983. Estudios Linguisticos de Textos Asheninco (Campa, Arawak Preandino). Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. Yarinacocha, Pucallpa, Perú.


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Phonemicized Form Orthographic Form Grammatical Notes Source Created By Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Oral-nasal contour segments May be analyzed as oralized nasal consonants or as oral consonants with a nasal release. e.g. mb-, -bm no Payne 1981 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] no Payne 1981; Payne 1980 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast yes pʲ, tʲ, ɲ, mʲ py, ty, ñ, my Payne 1980:910 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? yes Mihas 2010:45 Daniel Smith
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels no Payne 1980:710 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme no Mihas 2010:71 Daniel Smith
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] yes Mihas 2010 Daniel Smith
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? no Payne 1980:710 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones no Payne 1980:710 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? no Payne 1980:710 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments no Payne 1980:710 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? no Payne 1980:1020 Amanda Meeks
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony no Happens only occasionally, however. Mihas 2010 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] no Payne 1981:12 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone no Tone. Mihas 2010 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes Tense, mode, person, number, gender Payne 1981:12 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no Payne 1983:1112 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes Payne 1983:1112 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Payne 1983:1112 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated yes Mihas 2010:120 Daniel Smith
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated yes Payne 1983:50, 55, 149 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection no However, there is a process of stringing together verbs that each carry their own markings, which produces one thought. For example, ("it will have happened + I will want + I will go + I will accompany + father" = "then I will want to go with father") Payne 1981:13 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word no However, there is a process of stringing together verbs that each carry their own markings, which produces one thought. For example, ("it will have happened + I will want + I will go + I will accompany + father" = "then I will want to go with father") Payne 1981:13 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' no Anything that could be interpreted as a "weak" verb is an affix that modifies the main verb. Payne 1981:1016 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs no Instead, suffixes are utilized in such a way that they translate as auxiliary verbs, but do not take grammatical markings. (In a way, they are verbal markings themselves.) Payne 1981:3031 Amanda Meeks
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment yes Mihas 2010:96 Daniel Smith
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns yes adverbials Payne 1981:3842 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP yes Payne 1981:13, 2234 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders 2 Masc./non-masc Mihas 2010:122 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. yes Payne 1981:13, 2234; Mihas 2010:107 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter yes Masc./non-masc Mihas 2010:122 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates yes Gender distinction is straightforward for human nouns. However, animate nouns are usually masculine, and inanimate nouns are usually feminine, with many exceptions (including flora, which according to Asheninca legend were human at one time). Payne 1981:13, 2234 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human no Payne 1981:13, 2234 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only yes Payne 1981:13, 2234 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates yes Mihas 2010:106 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates yes Mihas 2010:106 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals no Mihas 2010:184 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups no Only plurality is marked on the noun. Reference to singular nouns is marked on the verb, otherwise. Payne 1981:2527 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun yes -paye -paye Mihas 2010:106 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic no Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only no Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns no Plural forms with augmentative -ite Mihas 2010:159,160 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only no no evidence of article Mihas 2010, Payne 1981, Payne 1983 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness yes Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker no When referring to an unspecified object, nothing is used. Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you yes naakaite - aroka ~ arokaite ~ arorite mainly by older speakers Mihas 2010:160 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) yes Particularly apparent in 1st person. Payne 1983:9195 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system 3 irika, iyora, iyoNta (M.); iroka, irora, iroNta (non-M.) Proximal, medial, distal Mihas 2010:174 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) yes gender Mihas 2010:174 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns yes iri(ro) - iroo Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns yes iriroite~iririroite - iroite Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix no Only reflexive affixes. Payne 1981:32 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients no no adpositions on core cases Mihas 2010, Payne 1981, Payne 1983 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 1 -ki locative Payne 1981:110111 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are yes limited, see above Payne 1981:110111 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) no Mostly inanimates, which are possible/plausible objects. Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates yes Mostly inanimates are marked. Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic no Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic no Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change no Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone no Payne 1981:110111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' no These are both verbal markings. Payne 1981 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no info maybe 3 Mihas 2010:184 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used yes in actual speech Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used yes Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival yes adjectives as a predicate may take aspect Mihas 2010:145 Daniel Smith
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival yes adjectives only Mihas 2010:145 Daniel Smith
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? no Payne 1983:12, 49 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? yes ,-ni ,-ni Payne 1983:12, 49 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' no Payne 1983:49 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' yes Payne 1983:49 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities yes ,-tʰori (kinship) ,-tʰori (kinship) Payne 1981:4953 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) yes They both take morphological marking. A possessed (alienable) noun with no person prefix must have a non-possessive suffix . A possessed (inalianable) noun with a possessive suffix must have a person prefix. Payne 1981:4953 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) yes They both take morphological marking. A possessed (alienable) noun with no person prefix must have a non-possessive suffix . A possessed (inalianable) noun with a possessive suffix must have a person prefix. Payne 1981:4953 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form yes Payne 1981:4953 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father yes Mihas 2010:123 Daniel Smith
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg yes Mihas 2010:123 Daniel Smith
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) no Payne 1981:4953 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes yes very small class of adjectives Mihas 2010:143 Daniel Smith
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco yes agreement with noun Mihas 2010:143 Daniel Smith
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb yes ,-ro/-ri ,-ro/-ri Turns it into a noun, which can then be either subject or object. Payne 1981:111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb yes ,-ro/-ri ,-ro/-ri Turns it into a noun, which can then be either subject or object. Payne 1981:111 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective no According to Mihas, some nouns may be derived from verbs Payne 1981; Payne 1983; Mihas 2010:143 Amanda Meeks
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere no Only aspect markers according to Mihas Mihas 2010:128 Daniel Smith
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past no Payne 1981:1113, Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future no Payne 1981:1113, Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) no Payne 1983:12 Daniel Smith
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut no Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood no info Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) no info Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses no info Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' no info Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something no Payne 1981:268 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction yes awiy- awiy- Verb meaning "be able." Payne 1981:268 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking no Payne 1981:268 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis yes No evidence of a separate phoneme for this; best shown in future tense affixes. Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected no Payne 1981; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") yes ,-ẅe ,-ẅe Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality yes ,-ɑpiint ,-apiint Payne 1983:12 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' yes -i/-a (realis) -e/-ia (irrealis) Mihas 2010:146 Daniel Smith
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. yes ,-ɑki (there and back) ,-aki (there and back) There are also morphemes for arrival, departure, and "receiving." Payne 1983:16,100 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic no Apparently, no evidentials Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order no VSO word order Mihas 2010:13 Daniel Smith
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject no Payne 1983:2325 Amanda Meeks
Word Order VS in transitive clauses no Payne 1982:1820 Amanda Meeks
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object yes OV is also acceptable in some circumstances. Payne 1982:1820 Amanda Meeks
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject no Payne 1982:1820 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Preposition-Noun no Mihas 2010 Daniel Smith
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix yes Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) no Payne 1983:49 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') yes Mihas 2010:122 Daniel Smith
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun yes Mihas 2010:143 Daniel Smith
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun no Mihas 2010:143 Daniel Smith
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Payne 1983:130140 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Noun-Dem no Payne 1983:130140 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Num-Noun yes Payne 1983:51 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Noun-Num no Payne 1983:51 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies yes Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes Payne 1982:20 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects no Full NPs are not marked for case Payne 1983:1619, 2325 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked no Payne 1983:1619, 2325 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker no Full NPs are not marked for case Payne 1983:1619, 2325 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers no Payne 1983:1619, 2325 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) no Payne 1983:1619, 2325 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative no No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative no No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite no No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive no No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs yes This is the "optional" case. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. It appears that Asheninka may be in the process of "shifting" systems. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other yes Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) no info Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. yes While the two systems can mostly be used interchangeably and synonimously, there is an obligatory use of erg/abs when referring to non-terminal actions or non-specific subjects. Payne 1983:2025 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects no Payne 1982:2324 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) yes Prefix vs. suffix placement depends on transitivity status of the verb. Payne 1982:2324, 9096; Payne 1981:34 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) yes Prefix vs. suffix placement depends on transitivity status of the verb. Payne 1982:2324, 9096; Payne 1981:34 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no They are verbal affixes instead. Payne 1982:2324 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no Payne 1982:2324; Payne 1981:34 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes yes Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers yes Agents are prefixes to the verbs, while objects are suffixes. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers yes Agents are prefixes to the verbs, while objects are suffixes. Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system yes Zero when the subject is not specified; not an obligatory rule. Payne 1983:2025 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system no Payne 1983:2025 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately no Payne 1983:2025; Payne 1981 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes yes same as S/A affixes Mihas 2010:169 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent yes The distinction is mostly apparent in 3rd person markings. Payne 1981:13, 2234 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently yes Payne 1981:3436 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives no Payne 1981:3436 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently no Payne 1981:3436 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. yes ,-ɑẅ ,-aẅ Payne 1982:57 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. yes ,-iɑ (reflexive-future), -ɑ (reflexive-non-future) ,-ia (reflexive-future), -a (reflexive-non-future) These are dedicated morphemes that also correspond with tense (future vs. non-future). Payne 1981:11,12 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb no Payne 1982:57; Payne 1981:11,12 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted yes ,-ɑi ,-ai impersonal passive Payne 1981:40 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb yes ,-pitʰa ,-pitʰa Payne 1982:56 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb yes Can also add a simple patient. Payne 1982:56 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb no Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb yes ,-ɑk ,-ak Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix no Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization no Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event yes -ak -ak Mihas 2010: 104 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency yes ,-piro ,-piro Verity: emphasizes authenticity. Payne 1981:44 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element yes Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element no Payne 1981:1011 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix no Payne 1982:19 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle yes ti, iiro ti, iiro Payne 1982:19 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb no Payne 1982:19 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' no Payne 1982:19 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' no info Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase yes ,-mɑ ,-ma Payne 1981:29 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle yes ,-kɑ ,-ka Payne 1982:20 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology no Payne 1982:20 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no Payne 1982:20 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only no Payne 1982:20 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) yes Mihas 2010 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position yes Adjectives and nouns are treated the same in almost all aspects in Asheninca--they take the same markings, positions, etc. Payne 1981:1819 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) yes Payne 1981:1738 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) yes Payne 1981:1738 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. no Payne 1981:1738; Payne 1983:130140 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause no Payne 1981:1038; Payne 1983:130140 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix yes a set of relative affixes Mihas 2010: Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) yes Mihas 2010 Daniel Smith
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. yes Payne 1981:1038; Payne 1983:130140 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined no Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 Amanda Meeks
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence no Verb order shows the order of events. Payne 1981:1038; Payne 1983:130140 Amanda Meeks