Asheninka Apurucayali
- Family
- Arawakan
- Region
- South America
- ISO 639-3
- cpc
- Location
- -9.82°, -74.62°
- Notes
- Grammar data also includes some information on closely related variety Asheninka Perene (prq).
- Features
-
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
- Data Sources
- Mihas, Elena. 2010. Essentials of Ashéninka Perené grammar. The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. (Doctoral disseration). Payne, David. 1981. The Phonology and Morphology of Axininca Campa. Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of Texas - Arlington. Payne, David. 1983. Estudios Linguisticos de Textos Asheninco (Campa, Arawak Preandino). Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. Yarinacocha, Pucallpa, Perú.
Flora Fauna Vocabulary (1)
| English | Spanish | Portuguese | Semantic Field | Part of Speech | Linnean Name | Orthographic Form | Phonemicized Form | Gloss as in Source | Etymology Code | Proto-Form | Proto-Language | Loan Source | Etymology Notes | Wanderwort Status | Etyma Set | Range of Term | Word Structure | Word Structure Notes | Classifier | Classifier Notes | Hypernym | Source | Association with Social Categories | Ritual/Mythologically Significant | Ritual Notes | Food Source | Food Notes | Medicinal | Medicinal Notes | How Collected | Who Collects | How Prepared | Psychotropic | Psychotropic Notes | Traded | Trade Notes | Distribution | Habitat | Dangerous | Ethnobiology Notes | Species Notes | General Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| peach palm, pejibaye palm | chontaduro (Col, Ecuador); pipire (Col); pijuayo (Peru), pijiguao (Ven); tembe (Bol) | pupunha | flora-fauna | Bactris gasipaes | quiri | kiri | pifayo, pijuayo | Payne 1989: 459 |
Grammatical Data (226)
| Category | Grammatical Feature | Grammatical Feature: Notes | Feature Status | Grammatical Notes | Source | Etymology Notes | General Notes | Phylogenetic Code |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Phonology - Segmental | Oral-nasal contour segments | May be analyzed as oralized nasal consonants or as oral consonants with a nasal release. e.g. mb-, -bm | no | Payne 1981 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Glottalized/ejective consonants | Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1980 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Palatalized stops | Phonemic contrast | yes | Payne 1980:910 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Phonemic vowel length | Does the language have long and short vowels? | yes | Mihas 2010:45 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels | no | Payne 1980:710 | |||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Complex onsets | Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme | no | Mihas 2010:71 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | No codas | *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] | yes | Mihas 2010 | ||||
| Phonology - Segmental | Word-final coda required | Do all syllables end in a consonant? | no | Payne 1980:710 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Contrastive tones | Note how many contrastive tones | no | Payne 1980:710 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Contrastive stress | Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? | no | Payne 1980:710 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable | In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments | no | Payne 1980:710 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries | Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? | no | Payne 1980:1020 | ||||
| Phonology - Suprasegmental | Vowel harmony | no | Happens only occasionally, however. | Mihas 2010 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) | Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] | no | Payne 1981:12 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes | Stem change, tone | no | Tone. | Mihas 2010 | |||
| Morphology - General | Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) | Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word | yes | Tense, mode, person, number, gender | Payne 1981:12 | |||
| Morphology - General | Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing | There are many more prefixes than suffixes | no | Payne 1983:1112 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing | There are many more suffixes than prefixes | yes | Payne 1983:1112 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred | The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different | no | Payne 1983:1112 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Reduplication: full | The full morpheme is reduplicated | yes | Mihas 2010:120 | ||||
| Morphology - General | Reduplication: partial | Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated | yes | Payne 1983:50, 55, 149 | ||||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Productive NN compounding | Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Productive VV serialization (without compounding) | Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection | no | However, there is a process of stringing together verbs that each carry their own markings, which produces one thought. For example, ("it will have happened + I will want + I will go + I will accompany + father" = "then I will want to go with father") | Payne 1981:13 | |||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Productive VV compounding | Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word | no | However, there is a process of stringing together verbs that each carry their own markings, which produces one thought. For example, ("it will have happened + I will want + I will go + I will accompany + father" = "then I will want to go with father") | Payne 1981:13 | |||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions | There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' | no | Anything that could be interpreted as a "weak" verb is an affix that modifies the main verb. | Payne 1981:1016 | |||
| Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs | Auxiliary verb(s) | There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs | no | Instead, suffixes are utilized in such a way that they translate as auxiliary verbs, but do not take grammatical markings. (In a way, they are verbal markings themselves.) | Payne 1981:3031 | |||
| Morphology - Incorporation | Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process | Verb contains nominal segment | yes | Mihas 2010:96 | ||||
| Morphology - Incorporation | Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs | Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns | yes | adverbials | Payne 1981:3842 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Noun classes/genders | Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP | yes | Payne 1981:13, 2234 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Number of noun classes/genders | Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders | 2 | Masc./non-masc | Mihas 2010:122 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) | Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. | yes | Payne 1981:13, 2234; Mihas 2010:107 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates | Masculine, feminine, neuter | yes | Masc./non-masc | Mihas 2010:122 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates | yes | Gender distinction is straightforward for human nouns. However, animate nouns are usually masculine, and inanimate nouns are usually feminine, with many exceptions (including flora, which according to Asheninca legend were human at one time). | Payne 1981:13, 2234 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system | Animate/inanimate, human/non-human | no | Payne 1981:13, 2234 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns | add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only | yes | Payne 1981:13, 2234 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates | yes | Mihas 2010:106 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates | yes | Mihas 2010:106 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | "Repeater" classifiers | Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) | Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals | no | Mihas 2010:184 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification | Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns | Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Singular number may be marked on the noun | Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups | no | Only plurality is marked on the noun. Reference to singular nouns is marked on the verb, otherwise. | Payne 1981:2527 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural affix on noun | yes | Mihas 2010:106 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun | no | Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural marked by reduplication of noun | no | Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural word/clitic | no | Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Plural marked on human or animate nouns only | no | Payne 1983:12; Payne 1981:12 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix | Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns | no | Plural forms with augmentative -ite | Mihas 2010:159,160 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Number | Unique associative plural marker | e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Definite or specific articles | Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only | no | no evidence of article | Mihas 2010, Payne 1981, Payne 1983 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives | Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness | yes | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Indefinite or non-specific article | or marker | no | When referring to an unspecified object, nothing is used. | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals | Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you | yes | mainly by older speakers | Mihas 2010:160 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) | yes | Particularly apparent in 1st person. | Payne 1983:9195 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) | Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system | 3 | Proximal, medial, distal | Mihas 2010:174 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity | Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) | yes | gender | Mihas 2010:174 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Gender in 3sg pronouns | yes | Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Gender in 3pl pronouns | yes | Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns | no | Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Formal/informal distinction in pronouns | Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns | no | Payne 1981:34; Payne 1983:9192 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories | Reflexive pronouns | e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix | no | Only reflexive affixes. | Payne 1981:32 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Adpositions mark core NPs | Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients | no | no adpositions on core cases | Mihas 2010, Payne 1981, Payne 1983 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: number of cases | Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun | 1 | locative | Payne 1981:110111 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked | Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are | yes | limited, see above | Payne 1981:110111 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: symmetrical | All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) | no | Mostly inanimates, which are possible/plausible objects. | Payne 1981:110111 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: asymmetrical | Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates | yes | Mostly inanimates are marked. | Payne 1981:110111 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: suffix or postpositional clitic | yes | Payne 1981:110111 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: prefix or prepositional clitic | no | Payne 1981:110111 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: infix or inpositional clitic | no | Payne 1981:110111 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: stem change | no | Payne 1981:110111 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: tone | no | Payne 1981:110111 | |||||
| Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions | Case: comitative = instrumental | Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' | no | These are both verbal markings. | Payne 1981 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Base-2 | At least some part of the system involves base-2 | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Base-5 | At least some part of the system involves base-5 | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Base-10 | At least some part of the system involves base-10 | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Other base (specify) | 4, 20, etc. | no info | maybe 3 | Mihas 2010:184 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 | e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Numerals do not go above 5 | 'Many' or some other non-exact term used | yes | in actual speech | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Numerals | Numerals do not go above 10 | 'Many' or some other non-exact term used | yes | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Categories - Other nominal | Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates | i.e. nominal or adjectival | yes | adjectives as a predicate may take aspect | Mihas 2010:145 | |||
| Nominal Categories - Other nominal | Person inflection on non-verbal predicates | i.e. nominal or adjectival | yes | adjectives only | Mihas 2010:145 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N | alienable/inalienable? | no | Payne 1983:12, 49 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N | alienable/inalienable? | yes | Payne 1983:12, 49 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent | e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' | no | Payne 1983:49 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head | e.g. 'the boy his-dog' | yes | Payne 1983:49 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession | Possessive classifiers | There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities | yes | Payne 1981:4953 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Morphological marking of inalienable possession | Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) | yes | They both take morphological marking. A possessed (alienable) noun with no person prefix must have a non-possessive suffix . A possessed (inalianable) noun with a possessive suffix must have a person prefix. | Payne 1981:4953 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Morphological marking of alienable possession | Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) | yes | They both take morphological marking. A possessed (alienable) noun with no person prefix must have a non-possessive suffix . A possessed (inalianable) noun with a possessive suffix must have a person prefix. | Payne 1981:4953 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed | An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form | yes | Payne 1981:4953 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Inalienable possession of kin terms | 'my-father' but *father | yes | Mihas 2010:123 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) | 'my-leg' but *leg | yes | Mihas 2010:123 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability | Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed | Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) | no | Payne 1981:4953 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Adjectives | Underived adjectives | There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes | yes | very small class of adjectives | Mihas 2010:143 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Adjectives | Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP | There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco | yes | agreement with noun | Mihas 2010:143 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) | There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) | There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb | yes | Turns it into a noun, which can then be either subject or object. | Payne 1981:111 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) | There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb | yes | Turns it into a noun, which can then be either subject or object. | Payne 1981:111 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Derivation | Productive verbalizing morphology | There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective | no | According to Mihas, some nouns may be derived from verbs | Payne 1981; Payne 1983; Mihas 2010:143 | |||
| Nominal Syntax - Other | NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently | 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Dedicated past marker(s) | Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere | no | Only aspect markers according to Mihas | Mihas 2010:128 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference | e.g. distant vs. recent past | no | Payne 1981:1113, Payne 1983:12 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference | e.g. imminent vs. distant future | no | Payne 1981:1113, Payne 1983:12 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) | no | Payne 1983:12 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect affixes: prefix | no | Payne 1983:12 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect affixes: suffix | yes | Payne 1983:12 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut | no | Payne 1983:12 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense | Tense-aspect suppletion | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form | There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood | no info | Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Polite imperative morpheme | There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) | no info | Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses | There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses | no info | Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) | as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' | no info | Payne 1981; Payne 1982:910 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Situational possibility: affix on verb | Inflectional marking of capacity to do something | no | Payne 1981:268 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Situational possibility: verbal construction | yes | Verb meaning "be able." | Payne 1981:268 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Situational possibility: other marking | no | Payne 1981:268 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Epistemic possibility: affix on verb | Modal expressing hypothesis | yes | No evidence of a separate phoneme for this; best shown in future tense affixes. | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Epistemic possibility: verbal construction | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Epistemic possibility: other marking | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Marking of expected/unexpected action or result | There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Verbal frustrative | Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") | yes | Payne 1983:12 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Verbal habitual | Modal expressing habituality | yes | Payne 1983:12 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Apprehensive construction | There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Reality status marking on verbs | There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' | yes | Mihas 2010:146 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Mood | Affect markers (positive/negative) | Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Directionals | Directional elements affixed to the verb | There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. | yes | There are also morphemes for arrival, departure, and "receiving." | Payne 1983:16,100 | |||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized visual | Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized nonvisual | Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized inferential | Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized reportive | Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Grammaticalized quotative | Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Other evidential | Any other evidential values not represented above | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic | no | Apparently, no evidentials | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: part of tense system | Includes portmanteau morphs | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: separate particle | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Evidentiality | Evidentiality: modal morpheme | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Verbal number | Verbal number suppletion | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Verbal Categories - Other | Social interaction markers | Note the type of interaction | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Word Order | No fixed basic constituent order | no | VSO word order | Mihas 2010:13 | ||||
| Word Order | VS in intransitive clauses | Verb precedes subject | no | Payne 1983:2325 | ||||
| Word Order | VS in transitive clauses | no | Payne 1982:1820 | |||||
| Word Order | VO in transitive clauses | Verb precedes object | yes | OV is also acceptable in some circumstances. | Payne 1982:1820 | |||
| Word Order | OS in transitive clauses | Object precedes subject | no | Payne 1982:1820 | ||||
| Word Order | Preposition-Noun | no | Mihas 2010 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Postposition or case suffix | yes | Payne 1981:1011 | |||||
| Word Order | Gen-Noun | Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) | no | Payne 1983:49 | ||||
| Word Order | Noun-Gen | Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') | yes | Mihas 2010:122 | ||||
| Word Order | Adj-Noun | Adjective precedes the noun | yes | Mihas 2010:143 | ||||
| Word Order | Noun-Adj | Adjective follows the noun | no | Mihas 2010:143 | ||||
| Word Order | Dem-Noun | yes | Payne 1983:130140 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Dem | no | Payne 1983:130140 | |||||
| Word Order | Num-Noun | yes | Payne 1983:51 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Num | no | Payne 1983:51 | |||||
| Word Order | Noun-Rel | Relative clause follows noun that it modifies | yes | Payne 1981:1011 | ||||
| Word Order | Rel-Noun | Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies | no | Payne 1981:1011 | ||||
| Word Order | Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) | e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') | no | Payne 1981:1011 | ||||
| Word Order | Relative clause is correlative or adjoined | e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' | no | Payne 1981:1011 | ||||
| Word Order | Question word is clause initial | 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause | yes | Payne 1982:20 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative | Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects | no | Full NPs are not marked for case | Payne 1983:1619, 2325 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative | Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked | no | Payne 1983:1619, 2325 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive | Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker | no | Full NPs are not marked for case | Payne 1983:1619, 2325 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite | Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers | no | Payne 1983:1619, 2325 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive | Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) | no | Payne 1983:1619, 2325 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative | no | No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative | no | No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive | yes, no, mixed, other | no | No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite | no | No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive | no | No apparent case markings on pronouns. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative | Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs | yes | This is the "optional" case. Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. It appears that Asheninka may be in the process of "shifting" systems. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive | yes, no, mixed, other | yes | Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive | no | Pronouns appear as verbal markings rather than free pronouns. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical | Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) | no info | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Alignment | Alignment of verbal person-marking: split | More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. | yes | While the two systems can mostly be used interchangeably and synonimously, there is an obligatory use of erg/abs when referring to non-terminal actions or non-specific subjects. | Payne 1983:2025 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position | Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects | no | Payne 1982:2324 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb | Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) | yes | Prefix vs. suffix placement depends on transitivity status of the verb. | Payne 1982:2324, 9096; Payne 1981:34 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb | Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) | yes | Prefix vs. suffix placement depends on transitivity status of the verb. | Payne 1982:2324, 9096; Payne 1981:34 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host | Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. | no | They are verbal affixes instead. | Payne 1982:2324 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position | Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects | no | Payne 1982:2324; Payne 1981:34 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Person marking on intransitive verbs | Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes | yes | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs | Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers | yes | Agents are prefixes to the verbs, while objects are suffixes. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs | Transitive verbs take object (P) markers | yes | Agents are prefixes to the verbs, while objects are suffixes. | Payne 1983:1619, 2325, 9096 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects | 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system | yes | Zero when the subject is not specified; not an obligatory rule. | Payne 1983:2025 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects | 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system | no | Payne 1983:2025 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Number can be marked separately from person on the verb | Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately | no | Payne 1983:2025; Payne 1981 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers | Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes | yes | same as S/A affixes | Mihas 2010:169 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking | Gender distinguished in verbal person markers | For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent | yes | The distinction is mostly apparent in 3rd person markings. | Payne 1981:13, 2234 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice | Ditransitive constructions: indirect object | In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently | yes | Payne 1981:3436 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice | Ditransitive constructions: double object | In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives | no | Payne 1981:3436 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice | Ditransitive constructions: secondary object | In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently | no | Payne 1981:3436 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme | Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. | yes | Payne 1982:57 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Reflexive: dedicated morpheme | Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. | yes | These are dedicated morphemes that also correspond with tense (future vs. non-future). | Payne 1981:11,12 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme | Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb | no | Payne 1982:57; Payne 1981:11,12 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Passive | Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted | yes | impersonal passive | Payne 1981:40 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Antipassive | Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing | Other intransitivizing morphology | There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Applicative: benefactive | Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb | yes | Payne 1982:56 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Applicative: other | Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb | yes | Can also add a simple patient. | Payne 1982:56 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: prefix | Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb | no | Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: suffix | Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb | yes | Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone | Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix | no | Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: serial verb or analytical construction | Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization | no | Payne 1981:41; Payne 1983:11 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' | Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Causative: dedicated sociative | Indicates that causer participates in event | yes | Mihas 2010: 104 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing | Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) | There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency | yes | Verity: emphasizes authenticity. | Payne 1981:44 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Clausal negator is a preposed element | Clausal negator is a preposed element | yes | Payne 1981:1011 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Clausal negator is a postposed element | Clausal negator is a postposed element | no | Payne 1981:1011 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: affix | Negatives: affix | no | Payne 1982:19 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: particle | Negatives: particle | yes | Payne 1982:19 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: auxiliary verb | Negatives: auxiliary verb | no | Payne 1982:19 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Negatives: double | Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' | no | Payne 1982:19 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' | no info | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | |||||
| Simple Clauses - Negation | Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' | Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase | yes | Payne 1981:29 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: interrogative particle | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle | yes | Payne 1982:20 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: verb morphology | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology | no | Payne 1982:20 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: word order | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) | no | Payne 1982:20 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Polar questions: intonation only | Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only | no | Payne 1982:20 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Interrogatives | Content questions: word order differs from declaratives | Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) | yes | Mihas 2010 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Predicate adjectives: verbal | Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Predicate adjectives: nominal | Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position | yes | Adjectives and nouns are treated the same in almost all aspects in Asheninca--they take the same markings, positions, etc. | Payne 1981:1819 | |||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible | Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) | yes | Payne 1981:1738 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Headless relative clauses | Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) | yes | Payne 1981:1738 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause | Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. | no | Payne 1981:1738; Payne 1983:130140 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker | It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause | no | Payne 1981:1038; Payne 1983:130140 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Relativizer is a verbal affix | yes | a set of relative affixes | Mihas 2010: | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Predication | Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer | The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) | yes | Mihas 2010 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions | Grammaticalized verbal desiderative | Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Other | Clause chaining | Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. | yes | Payne 1981:1038; Payne 1983:130140 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Other | Morphologically marked switch-reference system | There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined | no | Payne 1981; Payne 1982; Payne 1983 | ||||
| Simple Clauses - Other | Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses | Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence | no | Verb order shows the order of events. | Payne 1981:1038; Payne 1983:130140 |