Southern Ute

Family
Uto-Aztecan
Region
North America
ISO 639-3
ute
Location
0.00°, 0.00°
Notes
Features
Basic Vocabulary
Flora Fauna Vocabulary
Cultural Vocabulary
Grammatical Data
Ethnographic Information
Data Sources
none


Basic Vocabulary (185)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Etymology Notes Source Created By
above encima, arriba acima location -gaava, -gwaava, -gyaava, -va7aag'A Caps are voiceless vowels inheritance Charney 1996 (all items from this source unless otherwise noted; see note below) Jane Hill
again de nuevo, otra vez de novo grammar uupas, uupa7as unknown Jane Hill
all todo todos other -manokO, manuni-, pa7amanuni inheritance Jane Hill
and y e grammar -wa "with" (with nouns) inheritance Givon 1979:63 Jane Hill
ankle tobillo tornozelo body missing Jane Hill
armpit axila, sobaco axila body missing Jane Hill
ash ceniza(s) cinzas environment kUchapY, kunavI inheritance Jane Hill
at en, a em, a location -pa, -vaa(tY) inheritance Jane Hill
back espalda costas body O”aavI inheritance Jane Hill
bad mal mal quality yvyy-, yvyypyni, yvyypuni inheritance Jane Hill
belly barriga barriga body sag'oivI, sag'weivI spirantizes the C (k'=[x], g' = [gamma] unique Jane Hill
below abajo, debajo abaixo location -tukwa "under" inheritance Jane Hill
big grande grande quality avatY(-), aavAtY- inheritance Jane Hill
bite morder morder body ky7i inheritance Jane Hill
black negro preto colour tuu-, tuukwarY inheritance Jane Hill
blood sangre sangue body paapY inheritance Jane Hill
blow soplar soprar body pUkwi, pYkwi inheritance Jane Hill
boil/pimple espinilla, granos espinha, borbulha body ta7a-pYto/7nH-kya-ty “pimple” unique Jane Hill
bone hueso osso body o”o”/vY, o”o”vI inheritance Jane Hill
breast pecho, seno peito body pii/vI inheritance Jane Hill
breathe respirar respirar body so”aka inheritance Jane Hill
burn quemar queimar environment kwiya7a (VT) unknown Jane Hill
chew masticar, mascar mastigar body kYchog'wa inheritance Jane Hill
child niño, niña criança human tuachI inheritance Jane Hill
climb subir subir motion chIvy7a, chIpi “climb on” inheritance Jane Hill
cloud nube nuvem environment uwatipY inheritance Jane Hill
cold frío frio quality spyrai, sypr7a, sYpyvY inheritance Jane Hill
come venir vir motion kAkaiki unique Jane Hill
cook cocinar cozinhar impact kwAsy, inheritance Jane Hill
correct/true verdad, de veras verdade quality tog'oi7itY loan direction unknown Jane Hill
count contar contar mental niija inheritance Jane Hill
cry llorar chorar mental jag'a, jag'apAsi7i inheritance Jane Hill
cut/hack cortar cortar impact chikevi'na unknown Jane Hill
day día dia time tavai, tavajitY inheritance Jane Hill
die/be dead morir morrer state je7ei inheritance Jane Hill
dig cavar cavar impact o”ra inheritance Jane Hill
dingo/wolf fauna sinaavI “wolf” inheritance Jane Hill
dirty sucio sujo quality paasana-; inheritance Jane Hill
dream soñar sonhar mental no”no”si inheritance Jane Hill
drink beber, tomar beber body ivi, ivipY inheritance Jane Hill
dry seco seco quality tavasy-, tavasypY inheritance Jane Hill
dull/blunt sin filo, mocho, desafilado, embotado, romo maçante, desamolado, não afiado quality ka/kuwa/7etY, ka/kuwa/7atY inheritance Jane Hill
dust polvo poeira environment kUkupY inheritance Jane Hill
ear oreja orelha body nykavI inheritance Jane Hill
earth/soil tierra terra environment tyvyipY, tyvypY, tyvwipY inheritance Jane Hill
eat comer comer body tYkai inheritance Jane Hill
egg huevo ovo fauna nApaavI, napaavI inheritance Jane Hill
eye ojo olho body py7ivY inheritance Jane Hill
faeces heces, mierda, excremento, estiércol fezes body kwichapY inheritance Jane Hill
fall caer cair motion wi7I, wii inheritance Jane Hill
far lejos longe quality miiA, miietY inheritance Jane Hill
fat/grease grasa gordura body juu/-, juuvY, juu/pY, juu/vI, etc. inheritance Jane Hill
father padre, papá pai kinship muA- inheritance Jane Hill
fear miedo medo mental ijevag'a inheritance Jane Hill
feather pluma pena fauna wHsiavI H is voiceless V of indeterminate quality inheritance Jane Hill
fire fuego fogo environment na7aitY, na7atY inheritance Jane Hill
fish xx xx fauna pagy inheritance Jane Hill
flow fluir fluir motion nUkwi unknown Jane Hill
flower flor flor environment si7irY inheritance Jane Hill
fly volar voar motion jychi (sg) inheritance Jane Hill
fog niebla, neblina nevoeira, bruma, neblina environment pagynag'aryrY inheritance Jane Hill
foot pie body napA inheritance Jane Hill
fruit fruta fruta flora to”o”7napI unique Jane Hill
good bueno bom quality a/tY, inheritance Jane Hill
grow crecer crescer state nana inheritance Jane Hill
hair (of head) cabello cabelo body paagivI, paigivI, paagi unique Jane Hill
hand mano mão body mo”7o”vI inheritance Jane Hill
3sg el/ella ele/ela grammar maas inheritance Jane Hill
head cabeza cabeça body tYchivI loan into protolanguage Jane Hill
hear oír ouvir mental nyka7avI inheritance Jane Hill
heavy pesado pesado quality pYtija- inheritance Jane Hill
hide esconder esconder motion aag'amanikya inheritance Jane Hill
hit golpear, pegar bater impact kUpa, kwipA, inheritance Jane Hill
hold correr, asegurar, sostener segurar other chA7ei inheritance Jane Hill
how? como como grammar ag'a inheritance Jane Hill
1sg yo eu grammar ny7 inheritance Jane Hill
if si se grammar missing Jane Hill
in/inside dentro, adentro dentro location -nag, -nag'A, -naag'A inheritance Jane Hill
intestines intestinos intestinos body sApyvY inheritance Jane Hill
itch hormiguear, sentir comezón coçar body pijag'a, pijag'akyi inheritance Jane Hill
kill matar matar impact pAka (sg. object) inheritance Jane Hill
know/be knowledgeable saber, conecer saber, conhecer mental pUchuchugwa, pYchuchugwa, tYsu7a inheritance Jane Hill
lake lago lago environment paag'arY, paag'aryrY inheritance Jane Hill
laugh reír rir mental kija, etc. inheritance Jane Hill
leaf hoja folha environment nyka7avI inheritance Jane Hill
left/left hand izquierdo esquerdo location/body kwimanakwY “left side”, kwijUmtug “to the left” inheritance Jane Hill
leg/foot pierna perna body ju7uavI inheritance Jane Hill
lie down acostarse, echarse deitar motion avi (sg), kwavi (pl) inheritance Jane Hill
lightning rayo, relámpago relampago environment panakosarY unique Jane Hill
live/be alive vivir viver, morar body kary (sg.) inheritance Jane Hill
liver hígado figado body nuupY inheritance Jane Hill
long largo comprido, longo quality pa7atog'wa- inheritance Jane Hill
louse piollo, piojo piolho fauna po”7evI, po”7avI inheritance Jane Hill
lung pulmón pulmão body so”o”vY inheritance Jane Hill
man/male hombre homem human ta7wachI inheritance Jane Hill
meat/flesh carne carne fauna tYkapY, tYkuavI, etc. inheritance Jane Hill
moon luna lua environment maatag'ochI, myatag'ochI inheritance Jane Hill
mother madre, mamá mãe kinship pi/a, pi/e-, pi/achI inheritance Jane Hill
mouth boca boca body tYpavI inheritance Jane Hill
name nombre nome human ni/aa, ni/7a inheritance Jane Hill
nape base del cuello, nuca nuca body i/jo”vI o” is o umlaut unknown Jane Hill
near/close cerca de perto quality chag'achivI inheritance Jane Hill
neck cuello pescoço body kuravI inheritance Jane Hill
new nuevo novo quality aa-, aag'arY inheritance Jane Hill
night noche noite time tugwanatY inheritance Jane Hill
no/not no não grammar ka-, kaa, ka, kach “no, not” inheritance Jane Hill
nose nariz nariz body mo”vo”t7o”pY inheritance Jane Hill
old viejo velho quality wii-, wiitapY inheritance Jane Hill
one uno um number suuyis, suuis inheritance Jane Hill
open/uncover abrir abrir other chawi7ni inheritance Jane Hill
other otro outro grammar su/vatymuaani , su/vatyni “others” inheritance Jane Hill
pain/painful/sick dolor, doloroso, enfermo dor, doloroso, doente body pAkaki inheritance Jane Hill
person/human being persona pessoa human nuuchI “Indian person” inheritance Jane Hill
pound/beat machacar, golpear bater impact wHchog'wa inheritance Jane Hill
rain lluvia chuva environment uwarY inheritance Jane Hill
red rojo vermelho colour aka-, akag'arY inheritance Jane Hill
right/right hand derecha direita location/body pyramtug, pyranAkwatyg “to the right” inheritance Jane Hill
road/path camino caminho manufacture po”o” inheritance Jane Hill
root raíz raiz flora tynaavI, tynapI inheritance Jane Hill
rotten podrido podre quality piki “be rotten” inheritance Jane Hill
sand arena areia environment siwapY inheritance Jane Hill
say decir dizer mental mai, maa, maikH inheritance Jane Hill
scratch rascar rasgar impact chaa7na unique Jane Hill
see ver ver mental pynikya, punikya inheritance Jane Hill
sharp afilado, filudo, filoso afiado quality mag'aakatY inheritance Jane Hill
shoot tirar, disparar, balear atirar impact kuukwi, kUkwi, kwi inheritance Jane Hill
short corto curto quality kapa7a/tog'owatY inheritance Jane Hill
shoulder hombro ombro body cho”o”vY, cho”avY inheritance Jane Hill
shy/ashamed tímido, vergonzoso timido, com vergonha mental tUkwiy7a “be shy” inheritance Jane Hill
sit sentar(se) sentar state kary (sg.), jugwi, jygwi (pl) inheritance Jane Hill
skin piel pele body pyy7aH, pyy/vY, inheritance Jane Hill
sky cielo céu environment tugupaya inheritance Jane Hill
sleep dormir dormir body pyi (sg), akoi, kwai, kwei (pl) inheritance Jane Hill
small pequeño pequeno quality mii-, miipy-, etc. inheritance Jane Hill
smoke humo fumaça environment kwiivY inheritance Jane Hill
sniff/smell olfatear, oler cheirar body ugwi loan into protolanguage Jane Hill
spit escupir cuspir body kYchi7nH unique Jane Hill
split partir, dividir rachar, dividir, partir impact kwa7chikei (wood) inheritance Jane Hill
squeeze estrujar, exprimir espremer impact macho” inheritance Jane Hill
stab/pierce apuñalar, acuchillar apunhalar impact wiito”na inheritance Jane Hill
stand estar de pié ficar em pé state wyny (sg), ju7wi (pl) inheritance Jane Hill
star estrella estrela environment puuchiivI inheritance Jane Hill
steal robar roubar other ijy, ijyji inheritance Jane Hill
stick/wood palo pau, vara flora ivichI “stick” inheritance Jane Hill
stone piedra pedra environment tYpyichI, typychI inheritance Jane Hill
suck chupar chupar body so”o”7mi inheritance Jane Hill
sweat sudar suor, suar body pAkaachIpi, pAkaavI inheritance Jane Hill
swell hincharse inchar body pYto”7na “bloat up” inheritance Jane Hill
swim nadar nadar motion navaki inheritance Jane Hill
tail cola, rabo rabo body kwAsivI inheritance Jane Hill
that ese/esa esse grammar ma, marY inheritance Jane Hill
3pl ellos/ellas eles/elas grammar mamys (an, dl or pl, vis) inheritance Jane Hill
thick grueso, gordo, espeso grosso quality ak'otY, ak'oi (be thick) unique Jane Hill
thin delgado fino quality chaa-, chaag'arY inheritance Jane Hill
think pensar pensar mental sumai inheritance Jane Hill
this este/esta este grammar in (an), ich (inan) inheritance Jane Hill
2sg xx xx grammar ymY inheritance Jane Hill
three tres tres number pa7aini, peiku, peini inheritance Jane Hill
throat garganta garganta body pag'oyvI, pawivI loan direction unknown Jane Hill
throw tirar, lanzar atirar, jogar impact tyravi, ty/rApi inheritance Jane Hill
thunder truenos trovão environment tunu7nirY unknown Jane Hill
tie up/fasten atar, amarrar amarrar impact tApich7A inheritance Jane Hill
tongue lengua lingua body ag'opI inheritance Jane Hill
tooth diente dente body tawapY inheritance Jane Hill
turn girar, volter, torcer virar other komo”7nichi inheritance Jane Hill
two dos dois number wa-, waini, waivitavichI inheritance Jane Hill
vomit vomitar vomitar body piitani inheritance Jane Hill
walk caminar, andar andar motion pag'ai (sg) inheritance Jane Hill
water agua agua environment paa, paarI7i inheritance Jane Hill
1pl.excl nosotros (exclusivo) nós (exclusivo) grammar nymY inheritance Jane Hill
1pl.incl nosotros (inclusivo) nós (inclusivo) grammar tamI (dl), tawI (pl) inheritance Jane Hill
wet mojado molhado quality pAchakoi- inheritance Jane Hill
what? que, qué que grammar ag'arY inheritance Jane Hill
when? cuando quando grammar ano” inheritance Jane Hill
where? donde onde grammar ag'a, ag'ava inheritance Jane Hill
white blanco branco colour sa-, sa/g'arY loan direction unknown Jane Hill
who? quien, quién quem grammar aa7ara (sg), aamY7ara (pl) inheritance Jane Hill
wife esposa esposa kinship piwa- inheritance Jane Hill
wind viento vento environment nyarY inheritance Jane Hill
wing ala asa body missing Jane Hill
woman/female mujer mulher human mamachI inheritance Jane Hill
work trabajar trabalhar other wyyka loan Jane Hill
yawn bostezar bocejar body missing Jane Hill
yellow amarillo amarelo colour o”a-, o”a/karY inheritance Jane Hill
2pl ustedes vocês grammar ymY (sg), mynI (dl, pl) inheritance Jane Hill


Flora Fauna Vocabulary (130)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Linnean Name Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Range of Term Word Structure Word Structure Notes Classifier Classifier Notes Hypernym Source Association with Social Categories Ritual/Mythologically Significant Ritual Notes Food Source Food Notes Medicinal Medicinal Notes How Collected Who Collects How Prepared Psychotropic Psychotropic Notes Traded Trade Notes Distribution Habitat Dangerous Ethnobiology Notes Species Notes General Notes Created By
abalone flora-fauna Haliotis spp. missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 1 no
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna Formicidae tAsí?ą-vI ant(s) inheritance *tasi'a Numic Stubbs 49 (2008:45), Central & Southern Numic only same other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 0 0 2 0 0 no
antelope flora-fauna Antilocapra americana wací-cI antelope inheritance *wantsi Numic Note T. Shoshone wanzi, possibly a loan, of course; otherwise just S. Numic same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
badger flora-fauna Taxidea taxus ?uná-pų-cI badger inheritance *huLa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 132 (2008:59); this form suggests *huLaN (see S. Paiute same other complex has -pɨci ABS (Givon splits, Sapir doesn't) Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 yes
bald eagle flora-fauna Haliaeetus leucocephalus píą-gwaná-cI bald-eagle unique same phrase mother-eagle-ABS Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 1 no
band-tail pigeon flora-fauna Patagioenas fasciata ?ayǫ-vI wild pigeon, dove inheritance *hayɨwi Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 675 (2008:126) broader (pigeon, dove) underived Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
bat murciélago morcego flora-fauna Chiroptera spp páacą-cI bat inheritance *pati'a/paCti'a Proto-Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 124 (2008):56 same other complex has -ci ABS (non-possessed noun) Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
beaver flora-fauna Castor pawíi-cI Beaver inheritance *pa'wVN Numic Stubbs 156 (2008:61) same other complex has -ci ABS ; etymologically from a phrase with pa-”water” and perhaps “fox”? Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
beetle flora-fauna Coleoptera spp ?úu-pų-cI stinkbug, a black beetle that swarms and emits a bad odor inheritance *huhuCa “stinkbug” Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 313 (2008:83) narrower (a species of beetle) derived fart-NOM-ABS Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
big round tule flora-fauna Schoenoplectus acutus missing missing missing 2 1 2 0 0 no
big skunk flora-fauna Mephitis mephitis pǫní-yĮ skunk inheritance *po(C)ni Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1983 (2008:275) same underived Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
big wolf (gray wolf) flora-fauna Canis lupus sináą-vI wolf inheritance *sɨna'a Southern Numic only Stubbs 554 (2008:113); I think Comanche may be a Ute loan so probably just Southern Numic and not “Numic” same other complex has -vi ABS Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 0 yes
bighorn sheep flora-fauna Ovis canadensis nagá-cI bighorn (sheep) semantic shift *nakV “meat” Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1392 (2008:209) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna wicí-cI bird inheritance *wi(t)tiki Proto-Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 205 (2008:67) narrower (does not include large raptors) other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
black ant flora-fauna Camponotus pennsylvanicus/Lasius niger túu-tAsí?ą-vI black ant calque English black-ant (I am sure this is a calque, probably formed upon elicitation; no other Numic lg. does this same phrase black-ant-ABS Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
black bear flora-fauna Ursus americanus kwiyá-ga-tĮ bear unique Colorado River Numic only; Stubbs 136 (2008:59) broader (all bears?) derived looks like a deverbal derivation with -tI, but what is the verb? Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 0 yes
black-tail Jackrabbit flora-fauna Lepus californicus kamú-cI jackrabbit inheritance *kaNmu Numic Stubbs 1710 (2008:243) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
blackberry flora-fauna Rubus ursinus missing missing missing 2 1 2 0 0 no
blue grouse flora-fauna Dendrogapus? ?agóo-qwáa-pų-cI grouse, “timberline hen” unique same phrase pine-go.to-NOM-ABS Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
bobcat, lynx flora-fauna Lynx rufus múusa-túku bobcat inheritance *musV-*tukkuC Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1306 (2008:200); the compound here is unique; *tukkuC is an ancient loan, but *musV is good UA, cf. Nahuatl mistontli, sometimes considered a European loan from mis-mis-mis “kitty-kitty-kitty” in Spanish ??? But if so, would not be cognate in UA! WW %tuku same phrase cat-bobcat-ABS Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 0 no
butterfly, moth mariposa borboleta flora-fauna Lepidoptera náa?naasi-cI butterfly unique same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
California condor flora-fauna Gymnogyps californianus missing missing missing 1 2 0 0 1 no
California jay flora-fauna Aphelocoma californica? pųų-vų-ráa-cI bluejay unique same phrase pųų-vų-ráa-cI fur-ABS-little-ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
California woodpecker flora-fauna Melanerpes formicivorus? píipų?ą-cI woodpecker unique resembles Southern Paiute pipung'wantsI same other complex has -ci ABS ; looks phrasal but elements have no analysis, don't occur elsewhere obviously Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 1 no
chia flora-fauna Salvia columbariae páasa-pI cooked cereal, gruel, grits, mush semantic shift This is a widespread loan for chia, Salvia columbariae -- it doesn't grow in Ute-land, though narrower (just the cereal, plant no longer known) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 1 1 1 0 0 no
chipmunk flora-fauna Tamias spp. ?akwíisi-cI chipmunk unique same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
cliff swallow flora-fauna Petrochelidon pyrrhonota tŲpá-sǫǫ-cI swallow inheritance *pasV- Numic Note Panamint paz'-zah-noo-pe'-dah W; Merriam 59:335; Yerington Paiute soggobbena; W. Mono (Northfork) paziGopiina'; “mudswallow”; Southern Paiute pas'-să-ro-vep' “swallow” same phrase Givon's mouth-soldier is wrong -- it's earth-swallow (tų-pasoo, not tupa-soo), once you see the comparative data Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
coot flora-fauna Fulica americana missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
cottontail rabbit flora-fauna Sylvilagus audobonii tavú-cI rabbit inheritance *tapuC/*taput Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1707 (2008:242) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
cottonwood flora-fauna Populus spp. sųų-vų-pŲ cottonwood unique I think this is a poorly-recalled version of cognate of *sohopin (Stubbs 542a (2008:111) broader (can mean any big tree) other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 0 2 0 0 no
coyote flora-fauna Canis latrans yogóvų-cI coyote unique Southern Paiute also has this form but it's not main word for Coyote same derived copulate-AGENT-ABS Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 0 no
crow flora-fauna Corvus brachyrhynchos táq?o-cI crow, raven inheritance *atta-wɨ-ta Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 582 (2009:116), this version with -ka in Southern Numic only: Southern Ute taq'o-ci (Givon); Southern Paiute 'ata-G, 'ataqwotsi “crow”; note Mojave 'atqaaq “type of crow”; this form is strange broader (includes ravens) other complex has -ci ABS 2 1 0 0 0 no
datura flora-fauna Datura wrightii ?ųnų-pų-vŲ jimsonweed unique similar formations on “crazy” in other Numic, but with different roots same other complex ?ųnų be.crazy'-pų NOM-vŲ ABS “madness plant” Givon 1979 1 1 1 1 0 yes
deer, mule flora-fauna Odocoileus hemionus tųíYĮ deer inheritance *tɨkɨya Numic Stubbs 625a (2008:121) same underived Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
digger pine flora-fauna Pinus sabiniana yųvų-pŲ pine tree (not ponderosa) unique *yuwiN Southern Numic only Stubbs 1580b (2008:231), perhaps related to Cupan *yuyi-la same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 1 2 0 0 no
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna Canis familiaris sarí-cI dog inheritance *sati Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 674 (2008:126): In NP, C. Numic, S. Numic, Hopi -- may be areal, not inherited same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
dogbane flora-fauna Apocynum cannabinum missing missing missing 2 1 2 0 0 no
dove paloma pomba flora-fauna Zenaida macrocoura ?ayǫ-vI dove, wild pigeon inheritance *hayɨwi Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 675 (2008:126) broader (pigeon, dove) underived Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
duck pato pato, marreco flora-fauna Anatidae cųgá-cI duck inheritance *cɨka Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 705 (2008:130) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
elder flora-fauna Sambucus missing missing missing 2 1 1 0 0 no
elk flora-fauna Cervas elaphus paríyĮ elk inheritance *pa-*tɨkɨya Numic Stubbs 625a (2008:121) same phrase big-deer although Givon does not segment Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
fish (generic) pez peixe flora-fauna pagų fish inheritance *paNkwi/pakkwi < ka:-kVyu Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 865 (2008:148) same underived Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
flea pulga pulga flora-fauna Siphonaptera pǫ?ą-vI flea, louse inheritance *po'a Southern Numic only Stubbs 1358b (2008:205), possibly related to the pusi'a “louse” forms in other Numic broader (fleas and lice) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
flicker flora-fauna Colaptes sp. ?aká-qoná-vI woodpecker unique same phrase ?aka “red” qona < qwana big.bird-vi ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 1 no
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna Diptera múua-vI fly inheritance *muwi-/*muCpi Numic Stubbs 887 (2008:151) unknown Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
foothills yucca flora-fauna Yucca whipplei wíisi-vŲ yucca (plant) semantic shift *wiki/*wisi Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1796 (2008:254), or Stubbs 1475; usually in the north “milkweed fiber” or “Apocynum” --oddly, the original may have been Yucca fiber so all others should be semantic shift??? same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
fox flora-fauna Vulpes, Urocyon tavíic?ą-cI fox unique see S. Paiute tavangwaimpitsI broader (there are several kinds of foxes) other complex has -ci ABS; historically might be sun-catcher-ABS Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
frog (generic) flora-fauna paqxwánI frog inheritance *kwa'Lo Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 941 (2008:157) here with pa- “water” like S. Paiute same other complex -ni suffix is some kind of derivation; historically phrasal Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
golden eagle flora-fauna Aquila chrysaetos kwaná-cI eagle inheritance Southern Numic only Stubbs 717a (2008:131), really looks like *kwi'na, and like other UA *kwa words, but problems same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 1 no
gooseberry flora-fauna Ribes spp. pogóy-pŲ goose-berries inheritance *pokoN Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 183 (2008:65) same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 1 1 0 0 no
gopher snake, bull snake flora-fauna Pituophis catenifer qóxO bull-snake inheritance *koNwa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2009 (2008:279); this word for “bullsnake” is just Numic, though (T. Shoshone, Kawaiisu koko (loaned???) same underived Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna (NA) ?ugwí-vŲ grass inheritance *huk(w)i Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1027 (2008:167) unknown Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
grasshopper flora-fauna Caelifera ?áa-rAká-cI grasshopper inheritance *attaNkaC Numic Stubbs 1036 (2008:167) same other complex has -ci ABS (I see no reason for G's segmentation) Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
gray ground squirrel flora-fauna Sphermophilus sp. ?akwísi-kų-cI squirrel inheritance *sika(wV) Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2094a (2008:288), I think transparently unitable with southern Numic siku same phrase chipmunk-squirrel-abs. Givon's segmentation is wrong as shown by etymology, should be ?akwí-sikų-cI Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
gray tree squirrel flora-fauna Sciurus spp. ?agó-taváy?ą-cI flying squirrel inheritance *wokoN-*tapa Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2095 (2008:248); S. Paiute and Ute both have this compound same phrase pine.tree-chipmunk-ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
great horned owl flora-fauna Bubo virginianus múu-pų-cI owl inheritance *muhuN Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1542 (2008:277) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 1 2 2 0 1 no
grizzly bear flora-fauna Ursus arctos horribilis missing missing missing 1 2 0 0 0 yes
horned toad flora-fauna Phrynosomatidae maqác?ą-cI horned toad inheritance *makaCta Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1333 (2008:202) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 2 2 0 0 no
horse caballo cavalho flora-fauna Equus caballus kavá horse loan Spanish WW %caballo same underived Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
hummingbird colibrí, picaflor (Peru) beija-flor flora-fauna Trochilidae múutataa-cI humming-bird inheritance *muttanaC Numic Stubbs 1181 (2008:185) same other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
tobacco tabaco tabaco flora-fauna Nicotiana spp. qo?á-pŲ tobacco unique Colorado River Numic only: Stubbs 2293 (2008:310) same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 1 1 1 1 0 yes
insect (generic) insecto insecto flora-fauna generic pa?á-vI insect, worm, larva unique Southern Paiute pa'a-vɨ means “animal in general, neither plant nor human” broader ((includes worms) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 0 0 2 0 0 variable
junco flora-fauna Junco sppp nųvųá-wicí-cI chickadee unique Southern Numic only All S. Numic languages have “snow” in word for this bird, but with different and unanalyzable main stems same phrase snow-bird-ABS Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
juniper flora-fauna Juniperus californica wa?á-pŲ juniper inheritance *wa'aC Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 415 (2008:94) same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 1 1 0 0 no
louse flora-fauna order Phtiraptera pǫ?ą-vI flea, louse inheritance *po'a Southern Numic only Stubbs 1358b (2008:205), possibly related to the pusi'a “louse” forms in other Numic broader (includes lice and fleas) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
mallard flora-fauna Anas platyrhynchos missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
manzanita flora-fauna Arctostaphylos spp. missing missing missing 2 1 1 0 0 no
milkweed, broad leaf flora-fauna Asclepias eriocarpa ta?á-maą-vI milk-weed calque English milk-weed same phrase milk-weed-ABS Givon 1979 2 1 1 0 0 no
milkweed, narrow leaf flora-fauna Asclepias fascicularis missing missing missing 0 1 1 0 0 no
mission tule flora-fauna Juncus missing missing missing 2 1 2 0 0 no
mockingbird flora-fauna Mimus polyglottos missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
mosquito mosquito, zancudo mosquito, carapana flora-fauna Anopheles spp, Isoptera pa?á-togwá-mǫvǫt?ǫ-cI mosquito unique same phrase long-?-nose-ABS (togwa is “purple”???) Givon 1979 0 0 0 0 0 no
moth mariposa nocturna, polilla mariposa flora-fauna Heterocera mugú-rAtá-cI large moth unique I'm pretty sure mugu is the “soul” word (G. has it for “heart”, which would relate this to other moth words in Numic that reference souls, ghosts same other complex has -ci ABS ; probably etymologically a phrase -- soul-? Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
mountain lion flora-fauna Puma concolor tukU puma, cougar semantic shift *tukkuC “bobcat” Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1306 (2008:200); this form usually means “bobcat” but Ute has had a marking reversal, probably very recent; see discussion of “bobcat” above WW %tuku same underived Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 0 yes
mountain quail flora-fauna Oreortyx pictus yúaa-qA-qxáarų-cI quail unique WW %kaka broader (probably includes several kinds of quail) phrase plains-ABS-chicken (lit.runner) - ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
mussel flora-fauna Mytilus spp. missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 1 no
olivella (olive snail) flora-fauna Callianax biplicata missing missing missing 2 2 0 0 1 no
pinyon jay flora-fauna Cyanocitta stelleri? sagwá-mogóy?a-cI bluejay unique Southern Paiute also has expressions for bluejays as “blue-capped people” same phrase blue-blanket-ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
pinyon pine flora-fauna Pinus monophylla wa?á-pŲ pinyon, juniper semantic shift *wa'aC Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 415 (2008:94), always “juniper” or “cedar” but sometimes labels pinyon-juniper biome, probably the route of shift here broader (also means juniper) other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 1 2 0 1 no
pismo clam flora-fauna Tivella stultorum missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 1 no
pocket gopher flora-fauna Thomomys káac?ą-cI pack-rat, gopher semantic shift *kawa “rat” Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1983 (2008:275); I suspect a failure of memory here, they really MUSt have the *mɨyɨ word broader (includes packrats) other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
poison oak flora-fauna Toxicodendron diversilobum missing missing missing 2 2 2 0 0 yes
rattlesnake flora-fauna Crotalus spp. togóa-vI rattlesnake, snake inheritance *koNwa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2009 (2008:279); this word with the to- prefix is just Numic, however broader (includes all snakes) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 1 2 0 0 0 yes
red ant flora-fauna Solenopsis spp ?aká-tAsí?ą-vI red ant calque English red-ant; see remark on black ant same phrase red-ant-ABS Givon 1979 1 0 1 0 0 no
red-shouldered blackbird flora-fauna Agelaius phoeniceus missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
red-tailed hawk flora-fauna Buteo jamaicensis sí-gwaná-cI hawk, falcon unique broader (may include more than one kind of hawk although I'm dubious, dictionary is lousy on ethnobio) phrase gray-eagle-ABS Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
roadrunner flora-fauna Geococcyx californianus pǫǫ-nUkwí-kų-cI roadrunner calque English nobody else has anything like this same phrase road-run-NOM-ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
ruddy duck flora-fauna Oxyura jamaicensis missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
sage herb flora-fauna Artemisia californica missing missing missing 2 2 1 0 0 no
salmon/steelhead flora-fauna Oncorhynchus mykiss missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
scaly lizard flora-fauna Pygopus lepidopodus? missing missing missing 2 2 0 0 0 no
small bird flora-fauna missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
small brown lizard flora-fauna sųgų-nagóy-cI lizard unique has PUA *suku Stubbs 2019 (2008:281) but -nagoy?? broader (unclear scope) other complex has -ci ABS; stem clearly diachronically compound Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna togóa-vI snake, rattlesnake inheritance *koNwa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2009 (2008:279); this word with the to- prefix is just Numic, however same other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
soaproot flora-fauna Chlorogalum missing missing missing 2 1 1 0 0 no
sour berry flora-fauna Rhus trilobata sųų-vŲ red-berry bush inheritance *sɨʔɨvV Northern Uto-Aztecan Luiseño $ooval, Hopi sɨɨvi “sumac”' same other complex has -pɨ ABS; Givon's folk etymology relating this to “strength, power” is wrong, a good NUA etymology for the plant shows this Givon 1979 2 1 1 0 0 no
sparrow hawk flora-fauna Falco piví-nagá-cI sparrow-hawk unique Colorado River Southern Numic -- note Chemehuevi pe'-ve-nung'-guts same other complex has -ci ABS ; looks phrasal but elements have no analysis, don't occur elsewhere obviously Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
spider araña aranha flora-fauna Arachnida, Araneae mUqwá-pI spider inheritance *hukwaN/*mukwaC Southern Numic only Stubbs 2059 (2008:285) narrower (species of spider) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 0 0 2 0 0 variable
spotted skunk flora-fauna Spilogale gracilis missing missing missing 2 2 0 0 0 no
toad sapo sapo flora-fauna Bufonidae missing missing missing 2 2 0 0 0 no
tree árbol arvore flora-fauna (NA) sųų-vų-pŲ cottonwood, “the name may also be used as generic for 'tree' “ (Givon 1979:180) unique see “cottonwood” narrower (does not include conifers, in my experience) other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 0 0 2 0 0 no
tree yucca flora-fauna Yucca schidegera missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
turkey buzzard flora-fauna Cathartes aura wHkúci-ge-tI buzzard inheritance *wiLhukuN Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 335 is problematic but is part of that group same derived -ge-tI looks like a deverbal derivation, but what is the verb? Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
turtle (generic) flora-fauna Testudines ?ayá-pų-cI turtle inheritance *ayaC Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2359 (2008:316) same other complex has -pɨci ABS (Givon splits, Sapir doesn't) Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 1 no
valley live oak flora-fauna Quercus agrifolia missing missing missing 2 1 2 0 1 no
valley oak flora-fauna Quercus lobata kwiá-vŲ oak inheritance *kwiN/*kwi Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1507a (2008:224) probably a Kiowa-Tanoan loan into PNUA same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 1 2 0 1 no
valley quail flora-fauna Callipepla californica missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 0 no
Washington clam flora-fauna Saxidomus nuttalli missing missing missing 2 1 0 0 1 no
Western Canada goose flora-fauna Branta canadensis ?uvénikAY goose unique Colorado River Southern Numic -- note Southern Paiute ovannangqA (perhaps both are loans?) broader (unclear, but may be all geese) underived Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
whale flora-fauna Eschrichtius robustus píá-vagų whale unique same phrase mother-fish (really it's “big-fish”) Givon 1979 2 1 2 0 1 no
white pelican flora-fauna Pelicanus erythrorhynchos missing missing missing 0 2 0 0 0 no
wild grapevine flora-fauna Vitis californica sųų-rǫǫ?na-pŲ grapes unique broader (includes domestic grapes) phrase sųų-”strong” rǫǫ?na berry -pŲ ABS Givon 1979 2 1 2 0 0 no
wild oats flora-fauna Avena (introduction) ?úu-ci oats loan English probably English “oats” broader (probably includes domestic oats) other complex has -tsi ABS (probably inspired by English -ts final Givon 1979 2 1 2 0 0 no
wild rose flora-fauna Rosa californica missing missing missing 0 1 2 0 0 no
wild sunflower flora-fauna Helianthus (and other genera) kų-pŲ sunflower unique same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
willow flora-fauna Salix spp. kaná-vŲ willow inheritance *kana Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2487 (2008:332), some issues with the set same other complex has -pɨ ABS Givon 1979 2 2 1 0 0 no
wood rat, round-tail flora-fauna Neotoma spp. káac?ą-cI pack-rat, gopher inheritance *kawa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 1983 (2008:275) broader (includes gophers?) other complex has -ci ABS Givon 1979 2 1 0 0 0 no
worm, hairy caterpillar flora-fauna Arctiidae (many species) mogwá-kwAsí-cI wooly bear (caterpillar) unique narrower (a kind of fuzzy caterpillar) phrase Givon says “the relation to mogwa (a kind of ute) and kwasi-i “tail” is unclear Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
worm, smooth caterpillar flora-fauna Trichoplusia ni (?) cabbage looper pa?á-vI insect, worm, larva unique see remark on “insect” above broader ((includes all insects?) other complex has -pi ABS Givon 1979 2 2 0 0 0 no
yellow jacket flora-fauna Vespula spp., Dolichovespula spp. pa?á-wHcá-vI yellow-jacket inheritance *wita/*wiCta Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 159 (2008:62), this has different but similar increment to S. Paiute pang- same phrase long-wasp-ABS (long may be one of many Ute folk etymologizations, though) Givon 1979 2 0 0 0 0 no
yellowbird flora-fauna Dendroica petechia wicí-yagá-mi-tI gold-finch unique same derived bird-cry-NOM-NOM 'bird that cries' Givon 1979 0 1 0 0 0 no
yerba santa flora-fauna Eriodictyon californicum missing missing missing 2 1 1 0 0 no
ant (generic) hormiga formiga flora-fauna tAsi7avI inheritance Jane Hill
bird pajaro, ave passaro flora-fauna wichichI loan into protolanguage, direction unknown Jane Hill
blowfly/housefly mosca mosca flora-fauna muuavI loan into protolanguage Jane Hill
dog (camp, domestic) perro cachorro flora-fauna sarichI inheritance Jane Hill
grass hierba, pasto capim, grama flora-fauna sag'wa7itY, “grass, greenery, flowers” inheritance Jane Hill
deer venado veado, cariacu flora-fauna tyi, tyijU, tyijykuchI inheritance Jane Hill
snake (generic) culebra, serpiente cobra flora-fauna no generic tog'oavI “rattlesnake” inheritance Jane Hill
spider araña aranha flora-fauna mUkwapI inheritance Jane Hill


Cultural Vocabulary (115)
English Spanish Portuguese Semantic Field Part of Speech Orthographic Form Phonemicized Form Gloss as in Source Etymology Code Proto-Form Proto-Language Loan Source Etymology Notes Wanderwort Status Etyma Set Word Structure Word Structure Notes General Notes Source Created By
acorn mush food missing missing Jane Hill
ball game food missing missing Jane Hill
afterworld, land of dead, Heaven tierra do los muertos terra dos mortos culture-mythology na7ay-ty-paa-ty Hell, 'through fire' unique surely new, based on Christian hell derived, other complex Givon Jane Hill
feather headband dress tyci-wHca-py headband unique may be basket cap??? compound, other complex head-wrap-ABS Givon Jane Hill
arrow flecha flecha subsistence tool 7uu arrow inheritance *huca Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 63 simplex Givon Jane Hill
arrow straightener other missing missing Jane Hill
bait for fishing cebo, carnada para pescar, empate (Peru) isca subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
school escuela escola acculturation po7o-gani school, literallly 'writing house' unique compound Givon Jane Hill
stone bowl culture-material missing missing Jane Hill
basket (general) canasta, canasto, cesta cesto culture-material wHca-cI basket inheritance *hoCca Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 118 other complex literaly, squaw-bush thing (only on English side) Givon Jane Hill
basket, small canasta, canasto, cesta cesto pequeno, tampado culture-material syywHcharachI small basket, small willow basket inheritance *hoCca Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 118 compound, other complex syy 'Rhus', wHchara 'basket'-chI DIM Charney Jane Hill
basketry hat culture-material missing missing Jane Hill
bead abalorio, mostacilla, cuenta, gota, puca; necklace=collar miçanga culture-material cii-vY bead(s) inheritance *coiN Numic Also in W. Shoshone, Comanche; Stubbs 1513 other complex Givon Jane Hill
ochre culture-mythology 7ipi-cI red body paint, a mineral used for ceremonial body painting, as for Sundance unique remotely possible that is related to *oham- yielding *om in Ka, Ch; also nuu-7ipi-cI other complex Givon Jane Hill
bow arco arco subsistence tool 7aa-cI bow inheritance *aCta Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 275 other complex Givon Jane Hill
canoe canoa canoa transport missing missing Jane Hill
carrying net subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
bottle botella garrafa acculturation missing missing Jane Hill
paper papel papel acculturation ta7Asi-vY paper unique other complex Givon Jane Hill
chief/leader jefe, cacique chefe culture-mythology ta7wa-a-vI chief, leader unique other complex Givon Jane Hill
club garrote, cachiporra clava, porrete subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
loincloth taparrabos, guayuco, pampanilla tanga, tapa-sexo dress missing missing Jane Hill
cook food food tyka-7ini-kH to cook, lit. 'make food' unique another food-make word compound, derived food-make Givon Jane Hill
corpse food missing missing Jane Hill
dance (generic) culture-mythology wi7i to dance inheritance *wy7y Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 833a; Southern Numic only in sense of 'dance', means also 'to fall"; llnHka- plur. Subj. 146 simplex Givon Jane Hill
deity/powerful spirit/culture figure dios(es), deidad divinidade, figura mítica culture-mythology sinawavI Sinawav,God, Great Spirit unique "Wolf" under a different name from tyva7atsi other complex Charney Jane Hill
digging stick subsistence tool pyrychi space, shovel, root-digger, digging fork. Traditionally a sharp stick used to dig out roots for food inheritance *poto Numic Stubbs 2011 673 other complex Charney Jane Hill
dipper subsistence tool tYka-ci7i7na-7napY bowl, ladle, lit. 'food-dipper' compound, derived, other complex Givon Jane Hill
dream sueño, soñar sonho, sonhar culture-mythology nonosi to dream inheritance *nosi Numic Stubbs 2011 717 simplex Givon Jane Hill
drone pipe culture-mythology missing missing Jane Hill
drum tambor tambor culture-mythology papu7ni big pot, cauldron, pail, bucket, drum, barrel inheritance *paM-pi Numic Stubbs 2011 1156 simplex Givon Jane Hill
chicken gallina galinha acculturation qAqxaary-cI chicken semantic shift the 'quail' word other complex "runner" Givon Jane Hill
earring other nykA earring inheritance *nangka Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 752a simplex Givon Jane Hill
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology 7yry-cI ghost, evil spirit, monster inheritance *yny- Numic Stubbs 2011 2116 other complex Givon Jane Hill
fire drill subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
fire-tender culture-mythology missing missing Jane Hill
fireplace hogar lareira other missing missing Jane Hill
firewood leña lenha other kUkwa-pY firewood unknown *kukkwaC Stubbs 2011 2410 S. Numic only other complex Givon Jane Hill
fish (with fish-poison) pescar con barbasco, barbasquear pescar com timbó; tinguijar food missing missing Jane Hill
fish (with line) anzuelear, pescar con linea pescar (com linha) food pagy fish (VT) inheritance *paa-kycV Numic ö7akai 'stalk something, sneak up on something, fish stealthily 124 Charney simplex Charney Jane Hill
fish poison barbasco, matapez (Colombia) timbó subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
fishing line cordel/cuerda p/ pescar, sedal, tanze linha de pesca subsistence tool missing missing pagycha7a7anapY 'fish net' Charney Jane Hill
fish hook subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
acorn bread food missing missing Jane Hill
wheat food 7ugwi-vy-vI wheat semantic shift from 'grass' Hill/Miller hu-09 other complex Givon Jane Hill
flute flauta, quena (Peru) flauta culture-mythology wiinapY flute inheritance *wiLu PNUA Stubbs 912 This is actually the only regular NUA form if medial is *L other complex Charney Jane Hill
gambling sticks other missing missing Jane Hill
game animal caza, animal de caza caça, animal de caça food piisiavI, piisivY, piisyvY game animals, living species (non-human) unknown Southern Numic only other complex Charney Jane Hill
ghost (of dead person)/evil spirit espíritu malo, espíritu maligno, fantasma, demonio espirito culture-mythology 7yry-cI ghost, evil spirit, monster inheritance *yny- Numic Stubbs 2011 2116 other complex Givon Jane Hill
glue subsistence tool pAca7A-ti7napY glue, cement unique compound, other complex pAca7A-tii 'to glue onto, stik to' Givon Jane Hill
grave tumba, sepultura, sepulcro sepultura, sepulcro, cova culture-mythology nuuwachipI grave, funeral, burial unique compound, other complex Charney Jane Hill
alcohol food 7yvyy-paa liquor, alcoholic drink, lit. 'bad water' unknown also in Southern Ute compound bad-water Givon Jane Hill
Datura wrightii narcotics 7ynyy-py-vY Jimsonweed, Datura plant unique other complex 7yny-pY 'madness' Givon Jane Hill
shaman, healer chamán, brujo xaman, pajé, feiticeiro culture-mythology puwa-ga-tY medicine man, shaman, combining both religious and curative function inheritance *puha Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1160a derived, other complex Givon Jane Hill
honey miel mel food pia-muura-pi pia-7waa-vI honey, bee's honey unique compound, other complex sweet-fly-little (muu-raa)=sweet-juice-abs Givon Jane Hill
house other kanI house, dwelling inheritance *kaNLi Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1213 simplex Givon Jane Hill
hunt cazar caçar food tynaaj hunt inheritance *tynna Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1014 simplex note, sg. & pl. Givon Jane Hill
initiate boy culture-mythology missing missing Jane Hill
initiate girl culture-mythology missing missing Jane Hill
knife cuchillo faca culture-material wii-cI knife inheritance *wikiC Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1267 other complex Givon Jane Hill
mat culture-material missing missing Jane Hill
mortar mortero pilão subsistence tool mara-cI mortar, rock bowl used for grinding corn inheritance *ma7ta Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1082 this is really the 'metate' word other complex Givon Jane Hill
necklace other kaagA necklace inheritance *kak(k)i Numic Stubbs 2011 1506 simplex Givon Jane Hill
needle/awl subsistence tool wiyu-cI awl, large needle inheritance *wicaC Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 2296 other complex Givon Jane Hill
paddle/oar remo remo transport missing missing Jane Hill
pestle pilón, mano de mortero, mazo, moledor mão de pilão subsistence tool mu7wa-cI pestle, rock used with a mortar bowl to grind corn unknown maybe 1089 *musa? other complex mu7way 'to grind' Givon Jane Hill
pinole food paasapI cooked cereal, gruel, grits, mush inheritance *pasV- Northern Uto-Aztecan the 'chia' word other complex Givon Jane Hill
pipe for tobacco pipa cachimbo other cuu-cI pipe, smoking pipe, sucker fish inheritance *cu7mi Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 2222a other complex Givon Jane Hill
pitch food sana-pI pitch, resin, gum inheritance *salaC Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1634 other complex Givon Jane Hill
pot olla, pote panela, vasilha subsistence tool papu7ni big pot, cauldron, pail, bucket, drum, barrel inheritance *paM-pi Numic Stubbs 2011 1156 simplex Givon Jane Hill
quiver subsistence tool 7ugu-vY quiver inheritance *huk(i) like Cupan forms -- is this clipping of hu-kuna or the other form? other complex Givon Jane Hill
rattle matraca, maraca marico, chocalho culture-mythology wHsaraa-gana-pU gourd, calabash, rattle inheritance *sawaLa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2140 derived, other complex Jane Hill
red paint culture-mythology 7ipi-cI red body paint, a mineral used for ceremonial body painting, as for Sundance unique also nuu-7ipi-cI other complex Givon Jane Hill
salt sal sal food 7oa-vI salt inheritance *omCa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1865 other complex Givon Jane Hill
seed beater subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
clothing ropa roupa culture-mythology taa7 shirt, clothes inheritance *tawa Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 256 simplex Givon Jane Hill
sinew-backed bow subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
skirt falda, saya, fustan, pollera saia culture-material kUsy7 skirt inheritance *kwasu Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 483 simplex Givon Jane Hill
snare subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
song (generic) canción, canto canção culture-mythology 7uvwiyavY song inheritance *hupiya Numic Stubbs 2011 1985 other complex Givon Jane Hill
spear lanza lança subsistence tool cigi-sI spear inheritance *cik Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 797 other complex Givon Jane Hill
stirring stick food missing missing Jane Hill
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture tamuvY muscle, sinew, ligament, thread inheritance *tammu Uto-Aztecan the 'sinew' word; Stubbs 2011 2276 other complex Charney Jane Hill
bag, sack culture-material kuna-vY bag, sack inheritance *kuna Northern Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 114a other complex Givon Jane Hill
string of shell money other missing missing Jane Hill
sugarcane/sugar azúcar, caña de azúcar açucar (de cana) acculturation pia-gama-tY sugar, lit. sweet tasting semantic shift *pisa(L) Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 2259 compound, other complex pia-gamay to taste sweet Givon Jane Hill
sweathouse other pAqxaa-gary-ganI sweat lodge, sweat house, sauna unique copound sweat-sitting-houae Givon Jane Hill
tell history culture-mythology pYsari-nijaj to tell stories, tell a story to (obj is hearer) inheritance *nihya Numic Stubbs 2011 1490 compound Givon Jane Hill
cremate culture-mythology missing missing Jane Hill
tobacco (native) narcotics qo7a-pY tobacco unknown Stubbs 2011 2351 S. Numic only; I think prob from 'burn' other complex Givon Jane Hill
tule boat transport missing missing Jane Hill
white paint culture-mythology pawi-ja-vI white clay, used for ceremonial body-painting inheritance *apiN Numic Stubbs 2011 2544 other complex Givon Jane Hill
winnowing basket culture-material missing missing Jane Hill
wood tray subsistence tool missing missing Jane Hill
shoes zapatos sapatos dress pacA shoe inheritance *paNca Numic Stubbs 2011 1957 simplex Givon Jane Hill
medicine narcotics mUsutkwi-vI medicine inheritance *sakwa/i Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 1162 maybe derived, other complex Givon Jane Hill
cradleboard culture-material qonO cradle, cradleboard inheritance *kono Uto-Aztecan Stubbs 2011 142 simplex Givon Jane Hill
policeman polícia policía acculturation tApi-c7a-cI sheriff, policeman unknown same in Chemehuevi derived, other complex tApic7ay 'tie, handcuff' Givon Jane Hill
soldier soldado soldado acculturation soo-cI soldier loan English WW %soldier other complex reinterpreted as having dim. Suffix Givon Jane Hill
corn food kymyj corn, maize inheritance *kummi Uto-Aztecan Hill 2001 simplex Givon Jane Hill
beans food merivis bean, beans loan Hopi maybe WW %mun simplex Charney Jane Hill
cat gato gato acculturation muusa-ci cat semantic shift *mis Uto-Aztecan lots of arguments but I'm committed other complex Givon Jane Hill
gun arma, escopeta espingarda, fusil acculturation tYpwiyu gun, rifle unknown same in S. Paiute simplex Givon Jane Hill
hat sombero chapéu dress qaa-cogo-pY hat inheritance *kaCcokoC Numic Stubbs 2011 1151 other complex Givon Jane Hill
clapper acculturation missing missing Jane Hill
thatch/roof crisneja palha, caraná culture-material kani7Uvwa7aag'atY unique Jane Hill
rope/string mecate, cuerda, soga corda culture savY unknown Jane Hill
bottom grinding stone manufacture marachI “mortar” inheritance Jane Hill
digging stick subsistence tool pyrychI “digging fork” inheritance Jane Hill
winnow aventar, tirar (sementes) joeirar manufacture missing Jane Hill
top grinding stone metate, mano; piedra de moler metate, mano manufacture mu7wachI “pestle” inheritance Jane Hill
boomerang/throwing stick (generic) subsistence tool missing Jane Hill
spearthrower subsistence tool aachI, aa/chI inheritance Jane Hill
spear lanza lança subsistence tool uu “arrow” inheritance Jane Hill
house other kanI inheritance Jane Hill


Grammatical Data (226)
Category Grammatical Feature Grammatical Feature: Notes Feature Status Phonemicized Form Orthographic Form Grammatical Notes Source Created By Etymology Notes General Notes Phylogenetic Code
Phonology - Segmental Pre-/post-nasalized stops Analysis posits that the stop is the most relevant underlying phoneme. Comment in notes on whether the nasal contour is understood as a phonetic (allophonic) effect, or is phonologically contrastive. Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental Glottalized/ejective consonants Phonemic contrast [NOT counting glottal stop/fricative] no Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental Palatalized stops Phonemic contrast Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic vowel length Does the language have long and short vowels? Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental Phonemic glottalization/laryngealization of vowels Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental Complex onsets Onset consists of more than one consonant phoneme Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental No codas *(C)VC [no also equals highly constrained] Jane Hill
Phonology - Segmental Word-final coda required Do all syllables end in a consonant? Jane Hill
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive tones Note how many contrastive tones no Jane Hill
Phonology - Suprasegmental Contrastive stress Does stress occur on different syllables with meaning difference? Jane Hill
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasalization property of morpheme or syllable In contrast to nasalization as a property of segments Jane Hill
Phonology - Suprasegmental Nasal spreading across some morpheme boundaries Do some affixes or other morphemes take the nasal/oral properties of the root they attach to? Jane Hill
Phonology - Suprasegmental Vowel harmony Jane Hill
Morphology - General Verbal fusion (2+ categories marked by portmanteau morphemes on verb) Verb combines two or more categories (tense, aspect, mood, person, number, etc.) in portmanteau morphemes{ [ignore proclitics unless they are fused with values other than person/number] Jane Hill
Morphology - General Inflection manifested by replacement of segmental or suprasegmental phonemes Stem change, tone no Jane Hill
Morphology - General Verbal synthesis (1+ inflectional categories marked by verbal affixes) Morphological complexity in verbs - multiple inflectional affixes in a single verb word yes Jane Hill
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly prefixing There are many more prefixes than suffixes no Jane Hill
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: strongly suffixing There are many more suffixes than prefixes yes Jane Hill
Morphology - General Prefixing/suffixing inflectional morph: roughly equal or one weakly preferred The numbers of suffixes and prefixes are not notably different no Jane Hill
Morphology - General Reduplication: full The full morpheme is reduplicated yes Jane Hill
Morphology - General Reduplication: partial Only part of the morpheme is reduplicated yes Jane Hill
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive NN compounding Noun compounds created from two noun phrases are common and systematically produced Jane Hill
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV serialization (without compounding) Verb roots can be combined in a single predicate without markers of subordination (distinct from subordinating construction) or distinct inflection Jane Hill
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Productive VV compounding Serial verb constructions involve chaining of roots together in one morphophonological word Jane Hill
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Verb-adjunct (aka light verb) constructions There is a set of semantically weak verbs used in complex verbal constructions, e.g. 'take a nap' Jane Hill
Morphology - Compounding, auxiliaries, light verbs Auxiliary verb(s) There are verbs that accompany main verbs of clauses and take grammatical marking not expressed by main verbs Jane Hill
Morphology - Incorporation Incorporation of nouns into verbs is a productive intransitivizing process Verb contains nominal segment Jane Hill
Morphology - Incorporation Productive incorporation of other elements (adjectives, locatives, etc.) into verbs Like noun incorporation, but incorporated elements are not nouns Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classes/genders Nouns are organized into sets with distinct morphological treatment; usually affects all nouns and involves agreement within the NP yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Number of noun classes/genders Note the (approximate) total number of noun classes/genders 2 Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Noun classifiers (distinct from noun classes/genders) Nouns are organized into sets, but only a limited set of nouns may be implicated, with no or limited agreement marking. If only numeral classifiers exist, indicate yes but explain. Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for animates Masculine, feminine, neuter Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex is a relevant category in noun class(ification) system for inanimates Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Animacy (w/o reference to sex) is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system Animate/inanimate, human/non-human Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Sex/gender distinction only in 3rd person pronouns add in notes section whether gender is present in other PNs or not in any PNs; consider with reference to pronouns and person marking only Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for animates Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Shape is a relevant category in the noun class(ification) system for inanimates Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification "Repeater" classifiers Where no distinct classifier exists, a copy of the noun itself may function in the morphosyntactic classifier "slot" Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Numeral classifiers (specific to numerals) Special classifier forms that occur only with numerals no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Gender and noun classification Classifiers used as derivational suffixes to derive nouns Verb + classifier = 'thing for doing V, thing that does V, etc.' Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Singular number may be marked on the noun Often occurs in a small subset of nouns if a single entity is referred to, e.g. insects that normally occur in groups Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Plural affix on noun yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by stem change or tone on noun no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked by reduplication of noun no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Plural word/clitic no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Plural marked on human or animate nouns only yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Pronominal plural: stem + nominal plural affix Pronouns use a nominal plural affix not specific to pronouns no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Number Unique associative plural marker e.g. 'John and his associates', 'John and them' Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Definite or specific articles Definite = particular referent known to both speaker and addressee; specific = particular referent known to speaker only yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Marker of definiteness distinct from demonstratives Focus on articles/markers whose primary function is to mark definiteness no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Indefinite or non-specific article or marker no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in free pronominals Inclusive =us + you, exclusive = us but not you yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Inclusive/exclusive: in verbal inflection (bound) no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Distance contrasts in demonstratives (number) Note the number of distances in the demonstrative system 2 Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Definiteness and clusivity Other contrasts in demonstratives (visibility, elevation, etc.) Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3sg pronouns no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 3pl pronouns no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Gender in 1st and/or 2nd person pronouns no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Formal/informal distinction in pronouns Polite pronominal variants or differential avoidance of pronouns no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Pronominal categories Reflexive pronouns e.g. English 'himself', Spanish 'se'; distinct form(s) from basic (non-reflexive) pronominals; distinct from reflexive verbal affix Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Adpositions mark core NPs Prepositions or postpositions mark subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: number of cases Note the number of grammatical relations that may be morphologically marked on the noun 4 Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: only non-core arguments morphologically marked Subjects, objects, beneficiaries/recipients NOT marked, but other grammatical relations are no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: symmetrical All NPs marked if in appropriate syntactic relation; no distinction in marking based on semantics (type of entity) yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: asymmetrical Semantically defined subset of NPs marked for case, e.g. animates no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: suffix or postpositional clitic yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: prefix or prepositional clitic Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: infix or inpositional clitic Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: stem change Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: tone Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Case and adpositions Case: comitative = instrumental Same marking for 'with a person' and 'with an instrument' no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-2 At least some part of the system involves base-2 no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-5 At least some part of the system involves base-5 no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Base-10 At least some part of the system involves base-10 yes Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Other base (specify) 4, 20, etc. no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Etymological transparency in any numerals under 5 e.g. two = 'eye-quantity' Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 5 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Numerals Numerals do not go above 10 'Many' or some other non-exact term used no Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Tense or aspect inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival Jane Hill
Nominal Categories - Other nominal Person inflection on non-verbal predicates i.e. nominal or adjectival Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: prefix on N alienable/inalienable? no Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession Pronominal possessive affixes: suffix on N alienable/inalienable? yes Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: dependent e.g. 'the boy-'s dog' no Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession Head/dependent marking in possessive NP: head e.g. 'the boy his-dog' yes Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession Possessive classifiers There are special classifiers that occur with possessed entities Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of inalienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the former takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Morphological marking of alienable possession Where inalienable possession differs from alienable, the latter takes a morphological marker (may include an associated free particle/pronoun) Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Default marker for inalienably possessed nouns if unpossessed An inalienable noun that is in an unpossessed state must have a derivational affix or associated form Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of kin terms 'my-father' but *father Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Inalienable possession of body parts (human/animal) 'my-leg' but *leg Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Possession - Alienability Generic human nouns are obligatorily bound/possessed Human nouns must co-occur with another noun (e.g. Hup-man, NonIndian-woman, but *man) Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Underived adjectives There are underived adjectives which do not have counterparts in other word classes Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Adjectives Gender inflection on adjectives within the NP There is gender agreement/concord (animate/inanimate or masc/fem, etc.) within the NP, e.g. la casa blanca, el perro blanco Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: action/state (arrive/arrival) There is a morpheme which derives an event from a verb Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: agentive (sing/singer) There is a morpheme which derives an agent or subject from a verb Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive nominalizing morphology: object (sing/song) There is a morpheme which derives a patient or object from a verb Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Derivation Productive verbalizing morphology There is a morpheme which derives a verb from a noun or adjective Jane Hill
Nominal Syntax - Other NP coordination and comitative phrases marked differently 'John and Mary went to market' is marked differently from 'John went to market with Mary' yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated past marker(s) Past tense is regularly morphologically marked on the verb or elsewhere Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple past tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. distant vs. recent past yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Multiple future tenses, distinguishing distance from time of reference e.g. imminent vs. distant future Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Dedicated future or non-past marker(s) yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: prefix no Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: suffix yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect affixes: tone or ablaut no Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Aspect and tense Tense-aspect suppletion no Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated imperative morpheme or verb form There is a special morpheme (or morphemes, or a bare verb root where inflection is normally expected) used to signal imperative (command) mood yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Polite imperative morpheme There is a distinct morpheme for polite imperative constructions (specify if it has other functions in the language) Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Difference between negation in imperative (prohibitive) and declarative clauses There are different strategies for marking negation in imperative and declarative clauses yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Dedicated hortative morpheme or verb form (1pl or 3rd person imperative) as opposed to imperative; the person in control of desired state of affairs is not the addressee; ex: 'Let's sing' / 'Let him sing' Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: affix on verb Inflectional marking of capacity to do something Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: verbal construction Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Situational possibility: other marking yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: affix on verb Modal expressing hypothesis yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: verbal construction Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Epistemic possibility: other marking Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Marking of expected/unexpected action or result There is inflectional marking of expected/unexpected Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal frustrative Modal expressing frustration ("in vain") Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Verbal habitual Modal expressing habituality Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Apprehensive construction There is a single morpheme or verb form to mean '(be careful lest) X happens' Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Reality status marking on verbs There are dedicated morpheme(s) for realis/irrealis 'actualized/unactualized events' Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Mood Affect markers (positive/negative) Note whether these inflectional markers are positive or negative Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Directionals Directional elements affixed to the verb There are grammaticalized elements indicating movement away, toward, there and back, etc. Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized visual Indicates information has been witnessed visually - indicate only if an overt marker Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized nonvisual Indicates information has been sensed firsthand but not visually (usually heard; also smelled, tasted, felt) Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized inferential Indicates information has not been experienced firsthand, but inferred from some kind of evidence - indicate only if an overt marker. Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized reportive Indicates speaker is not responsible for veracity of statement, merely reporting; 'allegedly' Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Grammaticalized quotative Indicate presence of adjacent representation of repeated discourse Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Other evidential Any other evidential values not represented above Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: verb affix or clitic yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: part of tense system Includes portmanteau morphs no Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: separate particle no Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Evidentiality Evidentiality: modal morpheme no Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Verbal number Verbal number suppletion yes Jane Hill
Verbal Categories - Other Social interaction markers Note the type of interaction Jane Hill
Word Order No fixed basic constituent order no Jane Hill
Word Order VS in intransitive clauses Verb precedes subject Jane Hill
Word Order VS in transitive clauses Jane Hill
Word Order VO in transitive clauses Verb precedes object no Jane Hill
Word Order OS in transitive clauses Object precedes subject Jane Hill
Word Order Preposition-Noun no Jane Hill
Word Order Noun-Postposition or case suffix yes Jane Hill
Word Order Gen-Noun Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessor first (e.g. John's book) yes Jane Hill
Word Order Noun-Gen Possessive phrase composed of a free possessor and its possessum has possessum first (e.g. 'book of John') no Jane Hill
Word Order Adj-Noun Adjective precedes the noun no Jane Hill
Word Order Noun-Adj Adjective follows the noun yes Jane Hill
Word Order Dem-Noun yes Jane Hill
Word Order Noun-Dem no Jane Hill
Word Order Num-Noun yes Jane Hill
Word Order Noun-Num no Jane Hill
Word Order Noun-Rel Relative clause follows noun that it modifies yes Jane Hill
Word Order Rel-Noun Relative clause precedes noun that it modifies no Jane Hill
Word Order Re<Noun>l (internally headed relative) e.g. 'the dog cat chased-NMZR got away' ('the cat that the dog chased got away') no Jane Hill
Word Order Relative clause is correlative or adjoined e.g. 'what is running, the dog chased that cat' no Jane Hill
Word Order Question word is clause initial 'what', 'who', etc. come first in interrogative clause yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked accusative Objects of transitive clauses ('P') have a unique marker, while subjects of transitive ('A') and intransitive ('S') clauses are unmarked or share a different marker from that occurring on objects yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: nominative-accusative w/ marked nominative Subjects of transitive and intransitive clauses share a marker, while objects of transitives are unmarked no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: ergative-absolutive Subjects of intransitive clauses and objects of transitives share a unique marker, while subjects of transitive clauses are unmarked or have a different marker no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: tripartite Intransitive subjects, transitive subjects, and transitive objects all receive distinct case markers no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking in full NPs: active-inactive Subjects of intransitive clauses are treated two different ways: like subjects of transitives if they are more agent-like (e.g. he jumped), and like objects of transitives if they are more patient-like (e.g. he fell asleep) no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked accusative yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: marked nominative no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: tripartite no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of case marking of pronouns: active-inactive no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: nominative-accusative Same as above, for pronominal affixes/clitics on verbs no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: ergative-absolutive yes, no, mixed, other no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: active-inactive no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: hierarchical Marking of A and P depends on their relative ranking on a hierarchy (usually 1>2>3 or 2>1>3) no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Alignment Alignment of verbal person-marking: split More than one of the above systems is represented in person marking, depending on e.g. person (e.g. 1/2 vs. 3), tense-aspect value, main vs. subordinate clause type, etc. no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns that occur in the same position as full NP subjects yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: prefixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal prefixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: suffixes on verb Pronominal subjects are marked as verbal suffixes (free pronouns may be another option) no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: clitics on variable host Pronominal subjects are clitics that can attach to verbs, nominal constituents, etc. no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Pronominal subjects: pronouns in non-subject position Pronominal subjects are free pronouns but do not normally occur in the position expected for full NP subjects no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking on intransitive verbs Intransitive verbs take person-marking clitics/affixes no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person marking (of agents) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take subject (A) markers no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Person-marking (of objects) on transitive verbs Transitive verbs take object (P) markers no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: subjects 3rd person subjects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking 3rd person zero in verbal person marking: objects 3rd person objects are not overtly marked within the verbal person-marking system yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Number can be marked separately from person on the verb Verbal person marking exists, but number is (or can) be marked separately no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Possessive affixes/clitics on nouns are same as verbal person markers Where nouns take possessive affixes, these are the same as the person-marking affixes no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Pronouns and person marking Gender distinguished in verbal person markers For any person, verbal person markers exhibit different forms depending on the gender (masc/fem, animate/inanimate, etc.) of the referent no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: indirect object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives a book to Bill'), the theme (book) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated differently Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: double object In ditransitives (e.g. 'John gives Bill a book'), both the theme (book) and the recipient/beneficiary (Bill) is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice Ditransitive constructions: secondary object In ditransitives, the recipient/beneficiary is treated in the same way as are objects of transitives, while the theme (book) is treated differently Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal through use of reciprocal morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is only used to mean reciprocal. yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reflexive: dedicated morpheme Verb becomes reflexive through use of reflexive morpheme associated with the verb (may be attached to the verb root). This morpheme is used only to mean reflexive. yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Reciprocal/reflexive: same morpheme Verb becomes reciprocal or reflexive through use of a morpheme that means either reciprocal or reflexive which attaches to the root of the verb no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Passive Passive voice usually involves a change to the verb, while the object of the active voice verb is promoted to subject in the passive voice, and the former subject is deleted/demoted yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Antipassive Like passive, but deletes or demotes the object of a transitive verb; usually found in ergative languages no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Decreasing Other intransitivizing morphology There is/are some other mechanism(s) for reducing valency Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: benefactive Applicative adds a beneficiary/maleficiary object argument to the verb yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Applicative: other Applicative adds some other object argument to the verb yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: prefix Causative is morphological and is attached before the root of the verb Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: suffix Causative is morphological and is attached after the root of the verb Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative marked by circumfix, stem change, or tone Morphological causative other than simple prefix/suffix Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: serial verb or analytical construction Causative construction that involves periphrasis or serialization Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated 'make do by proxy' Indicates that the causer does not directly cause the action of the verb to be realized, but does so by inducing someone else to carry out the action, e.g. 'John had the house painted.' Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Causative: dedicated sociative Indicates that causer participates in event Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Valence and voice - Increasing Other transitivizing morphology (adds valence) There is/are some other mechanism(s) for increasing valency Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a preposed element Clausal negator is a preposed element Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Clausal negator is a postposed element Clausal negator is a postposed element Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: affix Negatives: affix Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: particle Negatives: particle Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: auxiliary verb Negatives: auxiliary verb Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Negatives: double Standard (non-emphatic) negation typically requires two morphemes, e.g. French 'ne V pas' yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative form for 'NP does not exist' Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Negation Distinct negative expression 'I don't know' Lexical expression or highly idiomatic phrase Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: interrogative particle Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative particle yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: verb morphology Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by interrogative verb morphology no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: word order Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Polar questions: intonation only Yes/no questions distinguished from declaratives by intonation only no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Interrogatives Content questions: word order differs from declaratives Content questions distinguished from declaratives by word order (esp. subject-verb inversion) as well as by presence of Q-word (who, what, etc.) Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: verbal Adjectives act like verbs in predicative position yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Predicate adjectives: nominal Adjectives act like nouns in predicative position yes Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Zero copula for predicate nominals is possible Predicate nominals may occur without a copula (i.e. grammatical in some circumstances, if not all) no Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses Compare Eng 'the one that fell' (but in Eng 'one' could be considered a head) Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Headless relative clauses are the dominant or only form of relative clause Relative clauses that form a constituent with a head noun (in a single noun phrase) are rare or nonexistent; some descriptions may refer to adjoined or correlative clauses. Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Relative clause may occur with a noun classifier/class marker It may be unclear whether the classifier is the nominal head of the construction or is an agreement marker on the relative clause Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Relativizer is a verbal affix Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Predication Morphological relativizer is homophonous with nominalizer The same morpheme marks a relative clause and is a nominalizer on verbs (and/or other word classes) Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Desiderative expressions Grammaticalized verbal desiderative Indicates that the subject desires to carry out the action denoted by the verb (distinct from verb 'want', but may be grammaticalized from it) Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Other Clause chaining Clauses can be grouped such that only one bears most of the verb morphology, and the others are marked as to whether they share a subject with this reference clause. Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked switch-reference system There are special markers to indicate same vs. different subject when two clauses are combined Jane Hill
Simple Clauses - Other Morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses Morphology (usually on verb) distinguishes between clauses denoting events that occur at the same time or in sequence Jane Hill


Ethnographic Information
Current population (ethnicity) Current population (speakers) Former population estimate Subsistence preference Subsistence notes Density Sedentism Ecotome (riverine/interfluvial/coastal/desert/savannah/etc.) Social hierarchies Multilingualism (rare/occasional/common) Contact languages Marriage pattern Notes Source Created By
medium AG low mobile no